Also manifest is the debt of Lincoln's message of July 4, 1861, to these opinions. Here in so many words the President lays claim to "the war power", partly on the ground of his duty to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed", partly in reliance on his powers as Commander-in-Chief, incidentally furnishing thereby a formula which has frequently reappeared in opinions of Attorneys-General in recent years. Nor did Lincoln ever relinquish the belief that on the one ground or the other he possessed extraordinary resources of power which Congress lacked and the exercise of which it could not control--an idea in the conscientious pursuit of which his successor came to the verge of utter disaster. When first confronted with Lincoln's theory in the Prize Cases,[47] in the midst of war, a closely divided Court treated it with abundant indulgence; but in _Ex parte_ Milligan[48] another closely divided Court swung violently to the other direction, adopting the comfortable position that the normal powers of the government were perfectly adequate to any emergency that could possibly arise, and citing the war just "happily terminated" in proof. But once again the principle of equilibrium asserted itself. Five months after Milligan, the same Bench held unanimously in Mississippi _v._ Johnson[49] that the President is not accountable to any court save that of impeachment either for the nonperformance of his constitutional duties or for the exceeding of his constitutional powers. This was in the 1866-1867 term of Court. Sixteen years later, in 1882, Justice Samuel Miller gave classic expression to the principle of "a government of laws and not of men" in these words: "No man is so high that he is above the law.... All officers are creatures of the law and are bound to obey it."[50] Eight years later this same great Judge queried whether the President's duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed is "limited to the enforcement of acts of Congress or of treaties according to their express terms," whether it did not also embrace "the rights, duties, and obligations growing out of the Constitution itself ... and all the protection implied by the nature of the government under the Constitution."[51] Then in 1895, in the Debs Case,[52] the Court sustained unanimously the right of the National Executive to go into the federal courts and secure an injunction against striking railway employees who were interfering with interstate commerce, although it was conceded that there was no statutory basis for such action. The opinion of the Court extends the logic of the holding to any widespread public interest.