The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860Yonge, Charles Duke
History
The Constitutional History of England from 1760 to 1860
Yonge, Charles Duke
Constitutional history -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- History -- 19th century; Great Britain -- History -- George III, 1760-1820
Even these decisive defeats of the Opposition did not finally terminate
the struggle. The notoriety which Wilkes had gained had answered his
purpose to no slight extent. The City had adopted his cause with
continually increasing earnestness and effect. It had made him Sheriff,
Alderman, Lord Mayor, and had enriched him with the lucrative office of
City Chamberlain; and, as one of the City magistrates, he subsequently
won the good opinion of many who had previously condemned him, by his
conduct during the Gordon Riots, in which he exerted his authority with
great intrepidity to check and punish the violence of the rioters. And
when, in 1782, Lord Rockingham became, for the second time,
Prime-minister, he thought he might well avail himself of the favor he
had thus acquired, and of the accession to office of those whom the line
which they had formerly taken bound to countenance him, to bring forward
a motion for the expunction of the resolutions against him which had
been passed in 1770. It was carried by a largo majority; and though this
was as evidently a party division as those had been by which he had been
defeated twelve years before, still, as the last resolution on the
subject, it must be regarded as decisive of the law and practice of
Parliament, and as having settled the doctrine that expulsion does not
incapacitate a member who has been expelled from immediate
re-election.[12]
The establishment of this rule, and the abolition of general warrants,
were, however, not the only nor the most important result of these
proceedings. They led indirectly to an innovation which, it is hardly
too much to say, has had a greater influence on the character and
conduct of Parliament, and indeed on the whole subsequent legislation of
the country, than can be attributed to any other single cause. Hitherto
the bulk of the people had enjoyed but very scanty and occasional means
of acquiring political education. At times of vehement political
excitement, or any special party conflict, pamphlets and periodical
essays had enlightened their readers--necessarily a select and small
body--on particular topics. But standing orders of both Houses, often
renewed, strictly forbade all publication of the debates which took
place in either. To a certain extent, these orders had come to be
disregarded and evaded. Almost ever since the accession of the House of
Brunswick, a London publisher had given to the world an annual account
of the Parliamentary proceedings and most interesting discussions of the
year; and before the middle of the reign of George II, two monthly
magazines had given sketches of speeches made by leading members of each
party. The reporters, however, did not venture to give the names of the
speakers at full length, but either disguised them under some general
description, or at most gave their initials; and sometimes found that
even this profession of deference to the standing orders did not insure
them impunity.
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