The Continental Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 6, June, 1862: Devoted To Literature and National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 6, June, 1862: Devoted To Literature and National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
Slavery has now come to be a mighty energy of disquietude all over the
country, assuming colossal proportions of mischief, and mocking all the
ordinary restraints of law. The question of the present day to be
decided is not whether freedom and slavery shall exist side by side, nor
whether slavery shall be tolerated as a necessary evil; but in reality,
whether freedom shall be crushed under the iron hoof of slavery, and
this institution shall obtain the complete control of the country. It
has been said that the Constitution takes the position of complete
indifference to slavery; but the history of the slave States does not
lead us to infer that they were ever willing that slavery should be
tested by its own merits, or stand without the most persistent efforts
to secure for it the patronage of the Federal Government. Study the
progress of slavery, the last forty years, and none can fail to see that
it has ever aimed to secure first the supreme political control, and
then to advance its own selfish interests, at the expense of free
institutions. The great danger has always been, that while numerically
vastly inferior to the North, slavery has always been an unit, with a
single eye to its own aggrandizement; consequently, the history of the
country will show that so far from the general policy of the government
being adverse to slavery, that policy has been almost exclusively upon
the side of slaveholders. The domestic institution has been ever the pet
interest of the land.
In all that pertains to political power, the slaveholding interests have
been in the ascendant. Even when Lincoln was elected, it was found that
the Senate and House of Representatives, as well as the Judiciary, were
numerically upon the side of slavery, so that he could not, even had it
been his wish, carry out any measure inimical to the South. True, the
South had not the same power as under Buchanan; they could not hope ever
again to wield the resources of government to secure the ascendency of
slavery in Kansas; but for all that, Lincoln was powerless to encroach
upon their supposed rights, even if thus disposed. Is it not, then,
evident, that so far from the slaveholding States holding to the
opinions of the framers of the Constitution, there has been within the
last forty years a mighty change going on in the South, giving to
slavery an essentially aggressive policy, and an extension never dreamed
of by the authors of the Constitution? The ground of the Constitution
respecting slavery, was simply non-interference in the States where it
already existed. It left slavery to be curtailed, or done away with by
the local legislature, but it used language the most guarded, to
preclude the idea that slavery rested upon natural right, and that
slaves, like other property, could be carried into the territories. It
has been said, that the position of the Constitution is that of absolute
indifference, both to freedom and slavery; that it advocated neither,
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