The Continental Monthly, Vol. 5, No. 2, February, 1864: Devoted To Literature And National Policy — John Shaqi
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 5, No. 2, February, 1864: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol. 5, No. 2, February, 1864: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
On most subjects, Jefferson's opinions were dictated by his feelings. He
takes so little pains to conceal this weakness, that we can hardly
suppose he was aware of it. Contradiction he could not bear. Opposition
of any kind produced a bitter feeling. Vanity, latent perhaps, but
acrid, corroded his judgment of his adversaries. In France Governeur
Morris remarked that he was too fond of calling fools those who did not
agree with him; a sure sign of want of strength. Great minds are
essentially tolerant of the opinions of others. They know how easy it is
to err. There was a good deal, too, of the Pharisee about Jefferson. 'He
was of no party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. If he could not go
to heaven but with a party, he would not go there at all.' But he
thanked God he was not as the Federalists were: Anglomen, monarchists,
workers of corruption! nor even as this Washington! He boasted, too,
that he had never written a line for the public press; his method was to
suggest his views to others, and employ them to put them into print.
Careful not to speak out too boldly when it was not altogether safe to
do so, and wanting rather in moral courage, he was a persevering man,
pursuing his plans with the eagerness of women, who always have a
thousand excellent reasons, however illogical and inconsistent they may
be, for doing as they please--and like women, he was not over scrupulous
as to the means he employed to reach his object.
The same envious vanity and inability to resist his feelings which
warped his judgment into so many contradictions, led him into actions
that have damaged his character as a gentleman. For instance, his
behavior to Washington. When a member of Washington's cabinet,
protesting the warmest friendship to him, his confidential adviser by
virtue of the office he held, he permitted, not to say encouraged, those
attacks in Freneau's paper which were outrages on common decency. His
intimacy with the President enabled him to judge of the effect of the
blows. He noticed, with the cool precision of an experimental observer,
the symptoms of pain and annoyance which Washington could not always
conceal. Freneau was Jefferson's clerk; a word would have stopped him.
'But I will not do it,' Jefferson says; 'his paper has saved our
Constitution, which was galloping forth into monarchy.' Jefferson's
underhand attack upon Vice-President Adams, in the note he wrote by way
of preface to the American publisher of Paine's 'Rights of Man,' is a
domestic treachery of the same kind, though very much less in degree.
That note might have been written on the impulse of the moment; but what
shall we say of his practice of committing to paper Hamilton's sayings
in the freedom of after-dinner conversation--a time when open-hearted
men are apt to forget that there may be a Judas at table--and of saving
them up to be used against him in the future? Jefferson explains away
these and other dubious passages in his life with great ingenuity. He
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