The Continental Monthly, Vol 6, No 5, November 1864: Devoted To Literature And National PolicyVarious
History
The Continental Monthly, Vol 6, No 5, November 1864: Devoted To Literature And National Policy
Various
Literature, Modern -- 19th century -- Periodicals; United States -- Politics and government -- 19th century -- Periodicals
In the first place, how are hostilities to cease, unless the power that
controls the Southern armies so wills it? That power is a military
despotism. It has usurped all other power within the limits of the
rebellion, and the United States Government is seeking to overthrow it,
in order that the Constitution may be restored, in all its benignity, to
the people of the South, whom the usurpation has deprived of it. Is it,
then, for the United States Government to propose to the authors of this
usurpation to cease seeking its total overthrow? The question recurs,
moreover, what 'cessation' have we to propose? It is for them to offer
to yield: they are the aggressors, threatening the life of the nation.
Is any among us so base he would have peace with dishonor? A nation
cannot submit to be dishonored before the world--for its honor is its
life. Yet what sort of peace would that be which we should thus begin by
seeking? It is far from pertinent to cite, as some have done, the
example of Napoleon on this point: even supposing that civil war were,
in respect of this thing, the same as war between independent nations.
For Napoleon never proposed suspensions of hostilities except in his own
extremity, and as a convenient means to extricate himself from
difficulties which he had the art of concealing from his adversaries.
Are we in extremity, that this example of Napoleon should be suggested
in support of the Chicago platform?
As to how our overtures might be received at Richmond, we are no longer
left any excuse for doubting. The oft-repeated assurances of all who
have fled from the rebel tyranny since the war was begun, are, at
length, confirmed by the authoritative declaration of Jeff. Davis
himself. It is a declaration promulgated not only by Colonel Jaquess and
Mr. Gilmore, in the account given by the latter of their recent visit to
Richmond, but also by Mr. Benjamin, the rebel Secretary of State, in a
circular letter written for the purpose of giving the rebel account of
that visit. We are told by the rebel chief himself, that as _preliminary
to any negotiations, the independence of the Southern Confederacy must
be first acknowledged_. Why does not the Chicago platform suggest a way
of avoiding this difficulty? Why has it left the country in uncertainty
on a question so vital?
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