The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be MetStreight, Abel D.
History
The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
Streight, Abel D.
Secession; United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
"If we look to the general nature of the case, could any thing have
been more preposterous than to have made a government for the whole
Union, and yet left its powers subject, not to one interpretation, but
to thirteen or twenty-four interpretations? Instead of one tribunal,
established by all, responsible to all, with power to decide for all,
shall constitutional questions be left to four and twenty popular
bodies, each at liberty to decide for itself, and none bound to
respect the decisions of others; and each at liberty, too, to give a
new construction, on every new election of its own members? Would any
thing, with such a principle in it, or rather with such a destitution
of all principle, be fit to be called a government? No, sir. It should
not be denominated a constitution. It should be called, rather, a
collection of topics for everlasting controversy; heads of debate for
a disputatious people. It would not be a government. It would not be
adequate to any practical good, nor fit for any people to live under."
Mr. Hayne, already overborne with the overwhelming and unanswerable
arguments, was yet destined to receive the most cutting rebuke from his
vanquisher. Mr. Webster said:
"And now, Mr. President, let me run the honorable gentleman's doctrine
a little into its practical application. Let us look at his probable
_modus operandi_. If a thing can be done, an ingenious man can tell
_how_ it is to be done. Now, I wish to be informed _how_ this State
interference is to be put in practice. We will take the existing case
of the tariff law. South Carolina is said to have made up her opinion
upon it. If we do not repeal it, (as probably we shall not,) she will
then apply to the case the remedy of her doctrine. She will, we must
suppose, pass a law of her legislature, declaring the several acts of
congress, usually called the tariff laws, null and void, so far as
they respect South Carolina, or the citizens thereof. So far, all is a
paper transaction, and easy enough. But the collector at Charleston is
collecting the duties imposed by these tariff laws--he, therefore,
must be stopped. The collector will sieze the goods if the tariff
duties are not paid. The State authorities will undertake their
rescue: the marshal, with his posse, will come to the collector's aid;
and here the contest begins. The militia of the State will be called
out to sustain the nullifying act. They will march, sir, under a very
gallant leader; for I believe the honorable member himself commands
the militia of that part of the State. He will raise the _nullifying
act_ on his standard, and spread it out as his banner. It will have a
preamble, bearing that the tariff laws are palpable, deliberate, and
dangerous violations of the constitution. He will proceed, with his
banner flying, to the custom house in Charleston--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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