The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be MetStreight, Abel D.
History
The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
Streight, Abel D.
Secession; United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
"all the while
Sonorous metal blowing martial sounds."
Arrived at the custom house, he will tell the collector that he must
collect no more duties under any of the tariff laws. This he will be
somewhat puzzled to say, by the way, with a grave countenance,
considering what hand South Carolina herself had in that of 1816. But,
sir, the collector would, probably, not desist at his bidding. Here
would ensue a pause; for they say, that a certain stillness precedes
the tempest. Before this military array should fall on custom house,
collector, clerks, and all, it is very probable some of those
composing it would request of their gallant commander-in-chief to be
informed a little upon the point of law; for they have doubtless a
just respect for his opinions as a lawyer, as well as for his bravery
as a soldier. They know he has read Blackstone and the constitution,
as well as Turenne and Vauban. They would ask him, therefore,
something concerning their rights in this matter. They would inquire
whether it was not somewhat dangerous to resist a law of the United
States. What would be the nature of their offence, they would wish to
learn, if they, by military force and array, resisted the execution
in Carolina of a law of the United States, and it should turn out,
after all, that the law _was constitutional_. He would answer, of
course, treason. No lawyer could give any other reason. John Fries,[5]
he would tell them, had learned that some years ago. How, then, they
would ask, do you propose to defend us? We are not afraid of bullets,
but treason has a way of taking people off that we do not much relish.
How do you propose to defend us? 'Look at my floating banner,' he
would reply; 'see there the _nullifying law_!' Is it your opinion,
gallant commander, they would then say, that if we should be indicted
for treason, that some floating banner of yours would make a good plea
in bar? 'South Carolina is a sovereign State,' he would reply. That is
true; but would the judge admit our plea? 'These tariff laws,' he
would repeat, 'are unconstitutional, palpably, deliberately,
dangerously.' That all may be so; but if the tribunals should not
happen to be of that opinion, shall we swing for it? We are ready to
die for our country, but it is rather an awkward business, this dying
without touching the ground. After all, this is a sort of _hemp_-tax,
worse than any part of the tariff.
"Mr. President, the honorable gentleman would be in a dilemma like
that of another great general. He would have a knot before him which
he could not untie. He must cut it with his sword. He must say to his
followers, defend yourselves with your bayonets; and this is
war--civil war."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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