The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be MetStreight, Abel D.
History
The Crisis of Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One in the Government of the United States.: Its Cause, and How It Should Be Met
Streight, Abel D.
Secession; United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
Mr. Webster continued to show that to resist by force the execution of a
law of the United States was treason, and that the Courts of the United
States could take no notice of a State law to authorize persons to commit
that grave crime. Said he, the common saying that a State cannot commit
treason herself, is nothing to the purpose. Can it authorize others to do
so? If John Fries[5] had produced an act of Pennsylvania annulling the
law of Congress, would it have helped his case? Talk about it as we will,
these doctrines go the whole length of revolution. They are incompatible
with any peaceable administration of the government. They lead directly to
disunion and civil commotion, and therefore it is, that at the
commencement, when they are first found to be maintained by respectable
men, and in a tangible form, that I enter my protest against them all. Mr
Webster proceeded to show that the people of the United States have not
chosen the State authorities as their guardians against encroachments from
the general government. Said he:
"Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to the
general constitution, to these hands. They have required other
security, and taken other bonds. They have chosen to trust themselves,
first to the plain words of the instrument, and to such construction
as the government, itself, in doubtful cases, should put on its own
powers, under their oaths of office, and subject to their
responsibility to them; just as the people of a State trust their own
State governments with a similar power. Secondly, they have reposed
their trust in the efficacy of frequent elections, and in their own
power to remove their own servants and agents, whenever they see
cause. Thirdly, they have reposed trust in the judicial power, which,
in order that it might be trustworthy, they have made as respectable,
as disinterested, and as independent as practicable. Fourthly, they
have seen fit to rely, in case of necessity, or high expediency, on
their known and admitted power to alter or amend the constitution,
peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point out defects or
imperfections. And finally, the people of the United States have at
no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, authorized any State
legislature to construe or interpret _their_ instrument of government;
much less to interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and
operation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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