World War, 1914-1918 -- Campaigns -- Turkey -- Gallipoli Peninsula
But to reach this land of hope and commerce the route by sea was
long, and exposed to naval attack throughout its length till the
Dardanelles were reached. The overland route must, therefore, be
kept open, and three points of difficulty intervened, even if the
alliance with Austria-Hungary permanently held good. The overland
route passed through Serbia (by the so-called “corridor”), and behind
Serbia stood the jealous and watchful power of the Tsars; it passed
through Bulgaria, which would have to be persuaded by solid arguments
on which side her material interests lay; and it passed through
Constantinople, ultimately destined to become the bridgehead of the
Bagdad railway--the point from which trains might cross a Bosphorus
suspension bridge without unloading. There the German enterprise
came clashing up against Russia’s naval ambition and Russia’s rooted
sentiment. There the Kaiser, imitating the well-known epigram of
Charles v., might have said: “My cousin the Tsar and I desire the same
object--namely, Constantinople.” There lay the explanation of Professor
Mitrofanoff’s terrible sentence in the _Preussische Jahrbücher_ of June
1914: “Russians now see plainly that the road to Constantinople lies
through Berlin.” The Serajevo murders on the 28th of the same month
were but the occasion of the Great War. The corridor through Serbia,
and the bridgehead of the Bosphorus, ranked among the ultimate causes.
The appearance (Dec. 1913) of a German General, Liman von Sanders,
in Constantinople shortly after the second Balkan War, if it did not
make the Great War inevitable, drove the Turkish alliance in case
of war inevitably to the German side. He succeeded to more than the
position of General Colman von der Goltz, appointed to reorganise the
Turkish army in 1882. Accompanied by a German staff, the Kaiser’s
delegate began at once to act as a kind of Inspector-General of the
Turkish forces, and when war broke out they fell naturally under his
control or command. The Turkish Government appeared to hesitate nearly
three months before definitely adopting a side. The uneasy Sultan,
decrepit with forty years of palatial imprisonment under a brother
who, upon those terms only, had borne his existence near the throne,
still retained the Turk’s traditional respect for England and France.
So did his Grand Vizier, Said Halim. So did a large number of his
subjects, among whom tradition dies slowly. With tact and a reasonable
expenditure of financial persuasion, the ancient sympathy might have
been revived when all had given it over; and such a revival would have
saved us millions of money and thousands of young and noble lives,
beyond all calculation of value.
[Sidenote: ENGLAND’S ATTITUDE TO TURKEY]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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