Down to the day on which Flavius Odoacer deposed Augustulus there was
always at Rome or Ravenna a prince who represented in clear heritage the
imperial succession that descended from Octavian and Trajan and
Constantine. His crown might be fragile, his life in constant danger;
his word might be less powerful in Italy than that of some barbarian
Ricimer or Gundobad who stood behind the throne. Nevertheless, he was
brought into real contact with his subjects, and was a visible, tangible
personage whose will and character still made some difference in the
governance of the state. The weakest Glycerius or Olybrius never sank
into being a mere puppet, like an eighth century king of the Franks, or
a seventeenth century Mikado. Moreover, there was till the last a
possibility—even, perchance, a probability—that there would arise some
strong emperor who would free himself from the power of his German prime
minister. Majorian nearly succeeded in doing so; and the stories of the
falls of the Goths, Gainas and Aspar, in the East show that such an
attempt was not a hopeless undertaking.
But when Odoacer seized the throne from the boy Augustulus, and became
with the consent, if not the goodwill, of the Constantinopolitan Caesar,
the sole representative in the West of the imperial system, a very grave
change took place in the status of the empire. [Sidenote: Practical
meaning of Odoacer’s position.] Flavius Odoacer was something far more
than a patrician ruling as the representative of an absentee emperor. He
was not only the successor of Ricimer, but the predecessor of Theodoric
and Alboin. For, beside being a Roman official, he was a German king,
raised on the shield and hailed as ‘Thiudans’ by the whole Teutonic
horde who now represented the old legions of the West. If he never took
the title of ‘king of Italy,’ it was because territorial appellations of
the kind were not yet known. Euric and Gaiseric, his contemporaries,
called themselves Kings of the Visigoths and Vandals, not of Spain and
Africa. And so Odoacer being king of a land and an army, but not of a
nation, may have been somewhat at a loss how to set forth his royal
appellation. He would not have deigned to call himself ‘king of the
Italians;’ to call himself king of the Scyrri or Turcilingi, or any
other of the tribes who furnished part of his host, would have been to
assume an inadequate name. Puzzled contemporary chroniclers sometimes
called him king of the Goths, though he himself never used such a title.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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