The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
History
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources
And I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial Courts;
because otherwise, they would have proposed the Congress upon the
basis of the two British preliminaries, a rupture of the treaty with
France, and a return of the Americans to their submission to Great
Britain; and because I cannot suppose it possible, that the Imperial
Courts could believe the Americans capable of such infinite baseness,
as to appear upon the stage of the universe, acknowledge themselves
guilty of rebellion, and supplicate for grace; nor can I suppose they
meant to fix a brand of disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of
all nations, or to pronounce judgment against them; one or all of
which suppositions must be made, before it can be believed, that these
Courts did not mean to protect the American Representative in the
enjoyment of the privileges attached to the character he must assume;
and because, otherwise, all their propositions would be to no effect,
for no Congress at Vienna can make either the one or the other of the
two proposed peaces, without the United States. But upon looking over
again the words of the first article, there seems to be room for
dispute, of which a British Minister, in the present state of his
country, would be capable of taking advantage. The terms used seems to
be justly exceptionable. There are no "American Colonies" at war with
Great Britain. The power at war is the United States of America. No
American Colonies have any Representative in Europe, unless Nova
Scotia or Quebec, or some of the West India Islands, may have an agent
in London. The word Colony, in its usual acceptation, implies a
metropolis, a mother country, a superior political Governor, ideas
which the United States have long since renounced forever.
I am therefore clear in my opinion, that a more explicit declaration
ought to be insisted on, and that no American Representative ought to
appear, without an express assurance, that while the Congress lasts,
and in going to it, and returning from it, he shall be considered as a
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and
entitled to all the prerogatives of such a Minister from a sovereign
power. The Congress might be to him and to his country but a snare,
unless the substance of this is _bona fide_ intended, and if it is
intended, there can be no sufficient reason for declining to express
it in words.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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