The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
History
The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 06
United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources
If there is a Power upon earth, that imagines that America will ever
appear at a Congress, before a Minister of Great Britain, or any other
power in the character of repenting subjects, soliciting an amnesty,
or a warranty of an amnesty, that Power is infinitely deceived. There
are few Americans who would hold their lives upon such terms. I know
of none who would not rather choose to appear upon a scaffold in their
own country, or in Great Britain. All such odious ideas ought to be
laid aside by the British Ministry, before they propose mediations.
The bare mention of such a thing to the United States by Great Britain
would be considered only as another repetition of injury and insult.
The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little less to France. But
it is possible, that in the future course of this negotiation, there
may be a proposal of a Congress of Ministers of the several mediating
and belligerent powers, exclusive of the United States, to deliberate
on the question, in what character the United States are to be
considered, whether a Representative of the people of North America
can be admitted, and what shall be his title and privileges.
All that I can say to this case at present is this. The United States
have assumed their equal station among the nations. They have assumed
a sovereignty, which they acknowledge to hold only from God and their
own swords. They can be represented only as a sovereign; and,
therefore, although they might not be able to prevent it, they can
never consent that any of these things shall be made questions. To
give their consent, would be to make the surrender of their
sovereignty their own act.
France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her honor and
faith to the support of them, and, therefore, although she might not
be able to prevent it, she can never consent that they should be
disputed. Her consent would make the surrender of the American
sovereignty her act. And what end can it answer to dispute them,
unless it be to extend the flames of war? If Great Britain had a color
of reason for pretending, that France's acknowledgment of American
independence was a hostility against her, the United States would have
a stronger reason to say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a
declaration of war against them. And as France is bound to support
their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a denial of it
is a hostility against her. If any power of Europe has an inclination
to join England, and declare war against France and the United States,
there is no need of a previous Congress to enable her to do it with
more solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible pretexts. But on the
other hand, if the powers of Europe are persuaded of the justice of
the American pretensions, and think it their duty to humanity to
endeavor to bring about peace, they may easily propose, that the
character of the United States shall be acknowledged, and their
Minister admitted.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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