tragedy, but an ignominious farce as well.'
The consequences of the precipitation over the cataract not being
immediate, and Government still continuing, over which a juggler of some
kind must necessarily preside, Carlyle, though hope had forsaken him,
retained his preference for the conscious over the unconscious. He had a
faint pleasure in Disraeli's accession to power in 1874. He was even
anxious that I should myself accept a proposal of a seat in Parliament
which had been made to me, as a _quasi_ follower of Disraeli--not that
he trusted him any better, but he thought him preferable to a worse
alternative. He was touched with some compunction for what he had
written when Disraeli acknowledged Carlyle's supremacy as a man of
letters--offered him rank and honours and money, and offered them in
terms as flattering as his own proudest estimate of himself could have
dictated. Accept such offers Carlyle could not; but he was affected by
the recognition that of all English ministers the Hebrew conjuror should
have been the only one who had acknowledged his services to his country,
and although he disapproved and denounced Disraeli's policy in the East
he did perceive that there might be qualities in the man to which he had
not done perfect justice.
However that may be, Disraeli was a child of Parliament. It was
Parliament and the confidence of Parliament which gave him his place in
the State. For forty years he was in the front of all the battles which
were fought in the House of Commons, in opposition or in office, in
adversity or in success, in conflict and competition with the most
famous debaters of the age. In the teeth of prejudice, without support
save in his own force of character, without the advantage of being the
representative of any popular cause which appealed to the imagination,
he fought his way till the consent of Parliament and country raised him
to the Premiership.
Extraordinary qualities of some kind he must have possessed. No horse
could win in such a race who had not blood and bone and sinew. Whether
he was fit or unfit to govern England, the House of Commons chose him as
their best; and if he was the charlatan which in some quarters he is
supposed to have been, the Parliament which in so many years failed to
detect his unworthiness is itself unfit to be trusted with the nation's
welfare. He was not borne into power on the tide of any outside
movement. He was not the advocate of any favourite measure with which
his name was identified. He rose by his personal qualifications alone,
and in studying what those qualifications were we are studying the
character of Parliament itself.
[Sidenote: THE JEWS IN SPAIN]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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