The Early History of the Scottish Union Question: Bi-Centenary EditionOmond, George W. T. (George William Thomson)
History
The Early History of the Scottish Union Question: Bi-Centenary Edition
Omond, George W. T. (George William Thomson)
England -- Foreign relations -- Scotland; Scotland -- Foreign relations -- England
And even among those Englishmen who knew that the popular ideas of
Scotland were erroneous, there was a profound feeling of jealousy lest
James should fill too many of the places about the Court with his
countrymen. It was suspected that if he got his own way, almost every
Scotsman in London would soon be clad in velvet and satin, and wearing a
costly beaver instead of a blue bonnet; and James took great pains, for
a long time after his accession, to assure the English courtiers that he
had no intention of promoting Scotsmen over the heads of Englishmen. “I
was ever rooted,” he wrote to Lord Cranbourne, “in that firm resolution
never to have placed Scottishmen in any such room, till, first, time had
begun to wear away that opinion of different nations; and, secondly,
that this jealous apprehension of the Union had worn away; and,
thirdly, that Scotsmen had been brought up here at the foot of
Gamaliel.”
Before James had been many days in England he issued a proclamation, in
which it was announced that there was to be a complete Union of the
Kingdoms. “In the meane tyme,” he said, “till the said Union be
established, his Majestie doth hereby repute, hold, and esteeme, and
commandes all His Highnesse subjects to hold and esteeme, both the Two
Realmes as presently united, and as one Realme and Kingdome, and the
subjects of both as one People, Brethern, and Members of one Bodye.”[46]
The personal peculiarities of James, which amounted to eccentricities,
his firm belief in the maxims of his own _Basilikon Doron_ and his
complete abhorrence of the doctrines which Buchanan, in the old days,
had tried to teach him, are prominent features of the controversy
concerning the Union. The tenacity with which he clung to his conception
of the royal prerogative is nowhere more apparent than in his speeches
and proclamations, and in everything he did for the purpose of
forwarding his favourite scheme. When the Parliament of England was
found to be less subservient than he had expected, he pointed to
Scotland as an example. “This I must say for Scotland,” he exclaimed,
“and may truly vaunt it; here I sit and govern it with my pen. I write,
and it is done; and by a clerk of the council I govern Scotland now,
which others could not do by the sword.” These were not altogether idle
words; but it would have been wiser to refrain from boasting of a
supremacy such as the proudest of the Tudors had never ventured to
claim.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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