The Early History of the Scottish Union Question: Bi-Centenary Edition — John Shaqi
The Early History of the Scottish Union Question: Bi-Centenary EditionOmond, George W. T. (George William Thomson)
History
The Early History of the Scottish Union Question: Bi-Centenary Edition
Omond, George W. T. (George William Thomson)
England -- Foreign relations -- Scotland; Scotland -- Foreign relations -- England
James had directed the Scottish ministers to make the Union the only
subject of deliberation, and had also promised that the expenses
incurred by the commissioners from Scotland would be defrayed out of his
own purse. The Estates, however, had no sympathy with the policy of the
king. The nobles grumbled among themselves, and would fain have
resisted. But the royal orders were peremptory; and thirty-two
commissioners were appointed to “confer, treat, and consulte upon a
perfyte Unioun of the realmes of Scotland and England.”[50] The first
name on the Commission was that of John, Earl of Montrose, Lord
Chancellor of Scotland; and among his colleagues were a number of
distinguished men. Alexander Seton, then known as Lord Fyvie, was
afterwards the first Earl of Dunfermline. James Elphinstone, Secretary
of State, had recently been raised to the peerage as Lord Balmerino, a
title associated, in Scottish history, with a long series of family
misfortunes, which culminated in the execution of his descendant, the
last lord, after the Rebellion of 1745. Sir Thomas Hamilton, whom James
nicknamed “Tam o’ the Cowgate,” was then Lord Advocate, and, after
holding almost every great office of State in Scotland, became Earl of
Haddington in the reign of Charles the First. Another place in the
Commission was occupied by Sir Thomas Craig of Riccarton, author of the
_Jus Feudale_, whose Latin history of the Union, which has never been
published, is preserved in the Library of the Faculty of Advocates.
Some of the terms which occur in the Act appointing these commissioners
are such as to suggest the idea that James himself had been the
draughtsman. The Estates, in language not usually to be found in the
statute-book, declare that the Act is passed in order that “as the
present age is ravished in admiration with an so fortunate beginning, so
that the posterity may rejoice in the fruition of such an effectual
Union of two so famous and ancient Kingdoms, miraculously accomplished
in the blood and person of so rare a monarch.”
But the Estates, while ready to lavish praise on the king, were
determined that the Union was not to interfere with the independence of
Scotland. It was noticed that while the English Act for the Union
contained a clause declaring that his Majesty had no intention of
altering the fundamental laws and customs of England, nothing had been
said as to preserving the laws and customs of Scotland. This was
regarded as suspicious; and there was inserted in the Scottish Act a
provision that the commissioners were to take care that nothing was done
which was inconsistent with the ancient rights and liberties of
Scotland.[51]
There was also passed, at the same time, a statute which provided that
the Commissioners on Union should have no power to treat “in any manner
of way that may be hurtful or prejudicial to the religion presently
professed in Scotland.”[52]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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