allowed no evasions. The king watched him closely; threatened reforms which would increase the exactions of the treasury, and directed the formation of a new national survey, or at least tried to force one on the country. The people of London, worked on by the demagogue William Fitz Osbert, insisted on a new mode of assessment in which the taxes would be collected in proportion to the means of the payers, and not by a simple poll tax. This project might be just, but was promoted by revolutionary means; Hubert summarily cowed the rioters into submission. He went to the very extreme of what was right to serve Richard, and at last he gave in to the number of influences which combined to weary him of a position of power too great to be undertaken by any single person. [Sidenote: Money refused by the Great Council, 1198. ] [Sidenote: Resignation of the Justiciar. ] [Sidenote: Geoffrey Fitz Peter. ] This occasion is a memorable one. In the spring of 1198 Richard, as usual, wanted money, and had exhausted all the usual means of procuring it. He accordingly directed Hubert to propose to the assembled barons and bishops that they should maintain for him, during his war, a force of three hundred knights, to be paid a sum of three shillings a day. To the archbishop’s amazement, for the first time for five-and-thirty years, for the second time in English history, the demand was disputed. Again the opposition was led by a bishop, as then by St. Thomas, this time by St. Hugh. That great Hugh of Lincoln, the Burgundian Carthusian who had won the heart of Henry II. and had treated him as an equal, now acted on behalf of the nation to which he had joined himself. Herbert, the Bishop of Salisbury, the son of Henry’s old servant, Richard of Ilchester, followed the example. The estates of their churches were not bound, they said, to afford the king military service except within the four seas; they would not furnish it for foreign warfare. The opposition prevailed; the bishops had struck a chord which awoke the baronage. This body now, to a far greater extent than before, consisted of men who had little interest in Normandy, were far more English in sympathy, and perhaps also in blood, than they had been under Henry II. The occasion is marked by another consequence. The great minister resigned--not perhaps merely on this account--he had long been weary of his office; the new Pope, Innocent III., was telling him that it was unworthy of an archbishop to act as a secular judge and taskmaster. The monks of his cathedral were harassing him about the sacrilege involved in the execution of William Fitz Osbert, whom he had ordered to be taken from sanctuary and hanged; and the Roman lawyers were threatening excommunication if he did not pull down the grand new college which he had built in honor of St. Thomas at Lambeth. He had had as much as he wanted of power, and as much as he could bear of blame. He, therefore, in July, 1198, made way for a