The Elementary Forms of the Religious LifeDurkheim, Émile
Religion
The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
Durkheim, Émile
Cults; Religion; Religion -- Philosophy; Rites and ceremonies; Totemism
But they are not useful merely to individuals; the fate of the clan as a
whole is bound up with theirs. Their loss is a disaster; it is the
greatest misfortune which can happen to the group.[331] Sometimes they
leave the ertnatulunga, for example when they are loaned to other
groups.[332] Then follows a veritable public mourning. For two weeks,
the people of the totem weep and lament, covering their bodies with
white clay just as they do when they have lost a relative.[333] And the
churinga are not left at the free disposition of everybody; the
ertnatulunga where they are kept is placed under the control of the
chief of the group. It is true that each individual has special rights
to some of them;[334] yet, though he is their proprietor in a sense, he
cannot make use of them except with the consent and under the direction
of the chief. It is a collective treasury; it is the sacred ark of the
clan.[335] The devotion of which they are the object shows the high
price that is attached to them. The respect with which they are handled
is shown by the solemnity of the movements.[336] They are taken care of,
they are greased, rubbed, polished, and when they are moved from one
locality to another, it is in the midst of ceremonies which bear witness
to the fact that this displacement is regarded as an act of the highest
importance.[337]
Now in themselves, the churinga are objects of wood and stone like all
others; they are distinguished from profane things of the same sort by
only one particularity: this is that the totemic mark is drawn or
engraved upon them. So it is this mark and this alone which gives them
their sacred character. It is true that according to Spencer and Gillen,
the churinga serve as the residence of an ancestor's soul and that it is
the presence of this soul which confers these properties.[338] While
declaring this interpretation inexact, Strehlow, in his turn, proposes
another which does not differ materially from the other: he claims that
the churinga are considered the image of the ancestor's body, or the
body itself.[339] So, in any case, it would be sentiments inspired by
the ancestor which fix themselves upon the material object, and
convert it into a sort of fetish. But in the first place, both
conceptions,--which, by the way, scarcely differ except in the letter of
the myth,--have obviously been made up afterwards, to account for the
sacred character of the churinga. In the constitution of these pieces of
wood and bits of stone, and in their external appearance, there is
nothing which predestines them to be considered the seat of an ancestral
soul, or the image of his body. So if men have imagined this myth, it
was in order to explain the religious respect which these things
inspired in them, and the respect was not determined by the myth. This
explanation, like so many mythological explanations, resolves the
question only by repeating it in slightly different terms; for saying
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