The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common Fields — John Shaqi
The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common FieldsSlater, Gilbert
History
The English Peasantry and the Enclosure of Common Fields
Slater, Gilbert
Agriculture -- England; Inclosures; Peasants -- England; Village communities -- Great Britain
The following tentative hypothesis may be suggested as an explanation.
It is based on the presumption that the _names_ represent a more
ancient set of circumstances than the actual facts recorded in the
tithe apportionment.
I think it, on the whole, more probable that these units of holdings
are based upon ploughing by horses than upon ploughing by oxen. In
other words, I think that the system of co-aration persisted unimpaired
in these particular villages after horses had superseded oxen for
ploughing purposes, which might have happened at a very early date.
This seems plainly indicated by the fact that during the 190 years from
1649 to 1839 the majority of the copyholders in Stratton and Grimstone
had only one horse apiece, therefore they must have combined to work
even a two-horse plough; and, as I have said above, the practice of
helping one another with horses for ploughing only died out in very
recent years.
I think further, that in all three manors, a “whole place” or “whole
living” meant the land cultivated by one plough, but that in Stratton
and Grimstone the plough was a light and shallow one drawn by two
horses only, and in Fordington a heavier plough drawn by four horses.
The soil in Stratton and Grimstone is very thin and stony, and would
not bear deep ploughing; that of Fordington is much deeper and heavier.
Further, Stratton and Grimstone fields lie on the steep slopes
descending from the downs; Fordington field is gently undulating.
Therefore, a four-horse plough in Fordington would plough more than
twice as much land as a two-horse plough in the other villages. A whole
place then in Fordington naturally would have common rights for four
horses; in Stratton and Grimstone for two horses only.
A half-place in Stratton and Grimstone was, therefore, the holding
allotted to the tenant who had one horse, and it carried a common
right for one horse. Though a half-place in Fordington carried in 1841
a common right for three horses, I am inclined to believe that it
originally was the holding of a tenant who had two horses, _i.e._, half
a plough team, and originally had a common right for two horses only;
and, similarly, though a farthing hold in 1841 had a common right for
two horses, I am inclined to think it originally was the share of the
man who had one horse only, and only carried a common right for one
horse. That is to say, I think the _names_ here a better guide than the
nineteenth century common rights. If one were to adopt the opposite
view on this point, one would infer that a “half-place” was a misnomer
for a “three-quarter place,” and was the allotment of the man who had
three horses, and that a “farthing hold” should properly be called a
half-place. But on this assumption it would be hard to explain the fact
that the arable land attached to a half-place is, on the average, a
little less than half that attached to a whole place, and that attached
to a farthing hold only a little more than one quarter.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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