The English Village Community: Examined in its Relations to the Manorial and Tribal Systems and to the Common or Open Field System of Husbandry; An Essay in Economic History (Reprinted from the Fourth Edition)Seebohm, Frederic
History
The English Village Community: Examined in its Relations to the Manorial and Tribal Systems and to the Common or Open Field System of Husbandry; An Essay in Economic History (Reprinted from the Fourth Edition)
Seebohm, Frederic
Village communities -- Great Britain
In the first place we have clearly learned that in tracing the
connexion of the tribal system with local names, the fixing of a
particular personal name to a locality implies _settlement_. It
implies not only a departure from the old nomadic habits on the
part of the whole tribe, but also the absence within the territory
of the tribe of those redistributions of the tribesmen among
the homesteads--the shifting of families from one homestead to
another--which prevailed apparently in Wales and certainly in Ireland
to so late a date.
Following the parallel experience of the Irish and Welsh tribal
system we may certainly conclude that in the early semi-nomadic and
shifting tribal stage described by Cæsar the names of places, like
those of the Irish townlands, would follow local peculiarities of
wood or stream or plain, and that not until there was a permanent
settlement of particular families in fixed abodes could personal
names attach themselves to places, or suffixes be used which in
themselves involve the idea of a fixed abode.
«They are suggestive of the _tribal household_.»
Then with regard to the nature of the tribal settlements which these
local names with a patronymic [p351] suffix may represent, surely
the actual evidence of the Welsh laws and the 'Record of Carnarvon,'
as to what a _tribal household_ was, must be far more likely to
guide us to the truth than any theoretical view of the 'village
community' under the German mark-system, or even actual examples of
village communities existing under complex and totally different
circumstances at the present time, valuable as such examples may be
as evidence of how the descendants of tribesmen comport themselves
after perhaps centuries of settlement on the same ground.
«The joint holding of a family down to second cousins.»
Now we have seen that the tribal household in Wales was the
joint holding of the heirs of a common ancestor from the
_great-grandfather_ downwards, with redistributions within it to
make equality, first between brothers, then between cousins, and
finally between second cousins; the youngest son always retaining the
original homestead in these divisions. The _Weles_, _Gwelys_, and
_Gavells_ of the 'Record of Carnarvon' were late examples of such
holdings. They were named after the common ancestor and occupied
by his heirs. Such holdings, so soon as there was fixed settlement
in the homesteads, were obviously in the economic stage in which,
according to German usage, the name of the original holders with the
patronymic suffix might well become permanently attached to them.[530]
«The division, the youngest retaining the family homestead.»
We may then, following the Welsh example, fairly expect the
distinctive marks of the tribal household to be joint holding for
two or three _generations_, and then the _ultimate division of the
holding among male heirs_, the _youngest retaining the original
ancestral homestead_. [p352]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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