The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, Vol. 1 (of 2): As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, K.C.B., D.C.L., Many Years Consul and Minister in China and Japan — John Shaqi
The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, Vol. 1 (of 2): As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, K.C.B., D.C.L., Many Years Consul and Minister in China and JapanMichie, Alexander
History
The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, Vol. 1 (of 2): As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, K.C.B., D.C.L., Many Years Consul and Minister in China and Japan
Michie, Alexander
Alcock, Rutherford, Sir, 1809-1897; China -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- China; Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Japan; Japan -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain
Left to themselves, the traders on either side, though without law,
would have been a law to themselves, both parties having been
habituated to a discipline of custom more potent within its sphere
than any code, commercial or penal. But as no problem in life can ever
be isolated, so in this case the twofold interference of the State and
the populace constantly obstructed the genial flow of commercial
intercourse.
The interference of the Chinese bore no resemblance to the
restrictions imposed on trade by Western Governments, for these, even
when most oppressive, are usually specific and calculable. There is a
tariff of duties, there are harbour and police regulations, and there
are the laws of the land. The peculiarity of the Chinese official
supervision of foreign trade was that it was incalculable and
arbitrary, governed by cupidities and jealousies, and subject to
individual caprice. Having barbarians to deal with, the Chinese
authorities followed the maxims of their ancient kings and "ruled them
by misrule, which is the true and the only way of ruling them." And
finding the barbarians submissive, they grew accustomed to practise on
them such indignities as a wanton schoolboy might inflict on a captive
animal, unrestrained by any consideration save the risk of
retaliation. The Chinese had no conscience to be shocked by the
persecution of foreigners, for in relation to them justice and
injustice were meaningless terms. Such arrogance was not so much the
result of any formulated belief as of a traditional feeling lying at
the bottom of their moral conceptions; and just as the Chinese people
to-day speak of foreigners, without consciousness of offence, as
"devils," so did the best educated officials in the days before the
war sincerely regard strangers as an inferior, if not a degraded,
race. As late as 1870 a British representative writing to the Chinese
Prime Minister complained that "the educated class, both by speech and
writing, lets the people see that it regards the foreigner as a
barbarian, a devil, or a brute." And there has been no change since
except what is enforced by prudence. To the absence of law in their
intercourse was therefore superadded a special negation of human
rights, naturally accompanied by an overbearing demeanour on the side
of the natives. The strangers were in effect outlawed. The attempts
made from time to time to assert their independence resembled the
spasmodic kicking of the ox against the goad which led rather to
aggravation than amelioration of the pain. The prevailing tone was
that of submission, inviting more and more aggression, until the cup
overflowed and war ensued.
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