The Essentials of American Constitutional LawThorpe, Francis Newton
History
The Essentials of American Constitutional Law
Thorpe, Francis Newton
Constitutional law -- United States
88. The President cannot be enjoined from dismissing, or be mandamused
to receive a person, from or into his Cabinet. Indeed, such is the
nature of the office of President, he is not amenable to writs of the
law. He cannot be compelled by law to approve or to disapprove a bill
that has passed Congress; or to appoint or to refrain from appointing
any person to any office within his jurisdiction. Nor can he be
questioned in any court of law respecting his office, nor be made a
witness in any controversy. His powers are adequate to the execution
of his office. It may be said that this is essentially true of the
legislative,—the Congress, and of the judiciary,—the Courts of the
United States.
89. Thus the President has power to protect a federal judge from
threatened personal attack.[231] He has power to receive ambassadors
and other public ministers and representatives of other sovereignties,
a power which implies his right to refuse to receive those sent, or
to dismiss those sent, or to request their recall, or to discontinue
relations with them. Nor can any person, or State, through any court
of law, compel or forbid him to do either. In other words, the powers
of the President of the United States are executive, not ministerial.
This distinction applies to no appointee of the President, in any of
the executive departments. Their office is ministerial and every
ministerial office in the government of the United States is subject to
inquiry through a court of law.[232]
Thus the executive power of the United States is not subject to the
legislative power.[233] We have seen that it is not subject to the
judicial power. Yet, if this be so, by what power can the President be
impeached for not faithfully executing his office?
90. The restraint of impeachment is not legislation nor the exercise of
legislative powers vested in Congress. Impeachment is the accusation
made by the House of Representatives that the President has not
faithfully executed his office. Conviction is the adverse judgment
of the Court of Impeachment,—the Senate sitting under special oath
for a special purpose, not legislative, as duly provided for by the
Constitution. Had the people of the United States, in 1787, chosen to
provide, in the Constitution, for a Court of Impeachment consisting,
say, of Governors of States, or that State Legislatures should have the
sole power of impeachment, no one would claim that the governors or the
legislators so engaged were exercising either executive or legislative
functions. So the Houses of Congress engaged in an impeachment trial
of the President, or of any “officer of the United States” are not
engaged in legislation. If Congress possessed legislative power to
remove the President, it could vacate the presidential office by an act
and pass it over the President’s veto. Such a power vested in Congress
would nullify the power vested in the President and would make him a
creature of Congress.
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