The great problem here is, therefore: How can men be brought to seek
consciously what now they unintentionally produce? How can the man
whose ends are both self-centered and ignoble be changed into the man
whose ends are wide and high? Something may doubtless be done by
showing that a narrow selfishness is stupid. If we rule out monopoly
the best way to gain great success is likely to lie through meeting
needs of a great multitude; and to meet these effectively implies
entering by imagination and sympathy into their situation. The business
maxim of "service," the practices of refunding money if goods are
unsatisfactory, of one price to all, of providing sanitary and even
attractive factories and homes, and of paying a minimum wage far in
excess of the market price, have often proved highly remunerative. Yet,
I should not place exclusive, and perhaps not chief, reliance on these
methods of appeal. They are analogous to the old maxim, honesty is the
best policy; and we know too well that while this holds under certain
conditions,--that is, among intelligent people, or in the long run,--it
is often possible to acquire great gains by exploiting the weak,
deceiving the ignorant, or perpetrating a fraud of such proportions
that men forget its dishonesty in admiration at its audacity. In the
end it is likely to prove that the level of economic life is to be
raised not by proving that coöperation will better satisfy selfish and
ignoble interests, but rather by creating new standards for measuring
success, new interests in social and worthy ends, and by strengthening
the appeal of duty where this conflicts with present interests. The one
method stakes all on human nature as it is; the other challenges man's
capacity to listen to new appeals and respond to better motives. It is,
if you please, idealism; but before it is dismissed as worthless,
consider what has been achieved in substituting social motives in the
field of political action. There was a time when the aim in political
life was undisguisedly selfish. The state, in distinction from the
kinship group or the village community, was organized for power and
profit. It was nearly a gigantic piratical enterprise, highly
profitable to its managers. The shepherd, says Thrasymachus in Plato's
dialogue, does not feed his sheep for their benefit, but for his own.
Yet now, what president or minister, legislator or judge, would
announce as his aim to acquire the greatest financial profit from his
position? Even in autocratically governed countries, it is at least the
assumption that the good of the state does not mean solely the prestige
and wealth of the ruler.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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