The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, RussiaBeck, James M. (James Montgomery)
Philosophy
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia
Beck, James M. (James Montgomery)
World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
This statement is inherently improbable. Austria was the weaker of the
two allies, and it was Germany's saber that it was rattling in the
face of Europe. Obviously Austria could not have proceeded to extreme
measures, which it was recognized from the first would antagonize
Russia, unless it had the support of Germany, and there is a
probability, amounting to a moral certainty, that it would not have
committed itself and Germany to the possibility of a European war
without first consulting Germany.
Moreover, we have the testimony of Sir M. de Bunsen, the English
Ambassador in Vienna, who advised Sir Edward Grey that he had "private
information that the German Ambassador (at Vienna) knew the text of
the Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was dispatched, and
telegraphed it to the German Emperor," and that the German Ambassador
himself "indorses every line of it."[7] As he does not disclose the
source of his "private information," this testimony would not by
itself be convincing, but when we examine Germany's official defense
in the German _White Paper_, we find that the German Foreign Office
admits that it was consulted by Austria previous to the ultimatum and
not only approved of Austria's course but literally gave that country
a carte blanche to proceed_.
[Footnote 7: English _White Paper_, No. 95.]
This point seems so important in determining the sincerity of
Germany's attitude and pacific protestations that we quote _in
extenso_. After referring to the previous friction between Austria
and Servia, the German _White Paper_ says:
In view of these circumstances Austria had to admit that
it would not be consistent either with the dignity or
self-preservation of the Monarchy to look on longer at the
operations on the other side of the border without taking
action. _The Austro-Hungarian Government advised us of its
view of the situation and asked our opinion in the matter.
We were able to assure our Ally most heartily of our
agreement with her view of the situation and to assure her
that any action that she might consider it necessary to take
in order to put an end to the movement in Servia directed
against the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
would receive our approval._ We were fully aware in this
connection that warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary
against Servia would bring Russia into the question and
might draw us into a war in accordance with our duties as an
Ally.
Sir M. de Bunsen's credible testimony is further confirmed by the fact
that the British Ambassador at Berlin in his letter of July 22d, to
Sir Edward Grey, states that _on the preceding night_ (July 21st) he
had met the German Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and an
allusion was made to a possible action by Austria.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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