The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia — John Shaqi
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, RussiaBeck, James M. (James Montgomery)
Philosophy
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia
Beck, James M. (James Montgomery)
World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
Under these circumstances let us suppose that on the occasion of the
visit of the German Crown Prince to Strassburg, that an Alsatian
citizen of German nationality, having strong French sympathies, had
assassinated the Crown Prince, and that France had formally disclaimed
any complicity in the assassination and expressed its sympathy and
regret.
_Mutatis mutandis_, let us suppose that Germany had thereupon issued
to France the same ultimatum that Austria issued to Servia, requiring
France to acknowledge moral responsibility for a crime, which it
steadily disavowed. The ultimatum to France in that event would have
included a peremptory demand that the government of France, a proud
and self-respecting country, should publish in the _Official Journal_,
and communicate as an "order of the day" to the army of France, a
statement that the French Government formally denounced all attempts
to recover Alsace and Lorraine; that it regretted the participation of
French officers in the murder of the German Crown Prince; that it
engaged to suppress in the Press of France any expressions of hatred
or contempt for Germany; that it would dissolve all patriotic
societies that have for their object the recovery of the "lost
provinces"; that it would eliminate from the public schools of France
all instruction which served to foment feeling against Germany; that
it would remove from its army all officers who had joined in the
agitation against Germany; that it would accept in the courts of
France the participation of German officials in determining who were
guilty, either of the Strassburg murder or of the propaganda for the
recovery of Alsace and Lorraine; that it would further proceed to
arrest and punish certain French officers, whom the German Government
charged with participating in the offensive propaganda, and that
it would furnish the German Government with full explanations and
information in reference to its execution of these peremptory demands.
Let us suppose that such an ultimatum having been sent, that France
had been given forty-eight hours to comply with conditions which were
obviously fatal to its self-respect and forever destructive of its
prestige as a great Power.
Can it be questioned what the reply of France or the judgment of the
world would be in such a quarrel?
_Every fair-minded man would say without hesitation that such an
ultimatum would be an unprecedented outrage upon the fine proprieties
of civilized life._
The only difference between the two cases is the fact that in the case
of Germany and France the power issuing the ultimatum would be less
than double the size of that nation which it sought to coerce, while
in the case of Austria and Servia, the aggressor was twelve times as
powerful as the power whose moral prestige and political independence
it sought to destroy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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