The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia — John Shaqi
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, RussiaBeck, James M. (James Montgomery)
Philosophy
The Evidence in the Case: A Discussion of the Moral Responsibility for the War of 1914, as Disclosed by the Diplomatic Records of England, Germany, Russia
Beck, James M. (James Montgomery)
World War, 1914-1918 -- Causes
The whole statecraft of Germany for over forty years has been inspired
by an exaggerated apprehension of the intentions of its great
neighbors. This fear followed swiftly upon the triumph of 1871, for
Germany early showed its apprehension that France might recover its
military strength. When that fallen but indomitable foe again
struggled to its feet in 1875, the Prussian military caste planned to
give the stricken gladiator the _coup de grâce_ and was only prevented
by the intervention of England and Russia. Later this acute and
neurotic apprehension took the form of a hatred and fear of Russia,
and this notwithstanding the fact that the Kaiser had in the
Russo-Japanese War exalted the Czar as the "champion of Christianity"
and the "representative of the white race" in the Far East.
When the psychology of the present conflict is considered by future
historians, this neuropathic feature of Germany's foreign policy will
be regarded as a contributing element of first importance.
Latterly the _Furor Teutonicus_ was especially directed against
England, and although it was obvious to the dispassionate observer in
neutral countries that no nation was making less preparations or was
in point of fact so illy prepared for a conflict as England,
nevertheless Germany, with a completeness of preparation such as the
world has never witnessed, was constantly indulging in a very hysteria
of fear at the imaginary designs of England upon Germany's standing as
a world power.
Luther's famous saying, already quoted, and Bismarck's blustering
speech to the Reichstag measure the difference between the Germany of
the Reformation and the Prussia of to-day.
I refuse to believe that this Bismarckian attitude is that of the
German people. If a censored press permitted them to know the real
truth with respect to the present crisis, that people, still sound in
heart and steadfast in soul, would repudiate a policy of duplicity,
cunning, and arrogance, which has precipitated their great nation into
an abyss of disaster. The normal German is an admirable citizen,
quiet, peaceable, thrifty, industrious, faithful, efficient, and
affectionate to the verge of sentimentality. He, and not the Junker,
has made Germany the most efficient political State in the world. If
to his genius for organization could be added the individualism of the
American, the resultant product would be incomparable. A combination
of the German _fortiter in re_ with the American _suaviter in modo_
would make the most efficient republic in the world.
The Germany of Luther, that still survives and will survive when
"Junkerism" is a dismal memory of the past, believes that "the supreme
wisdom, the paramount vitality, is an abiding honesty, the doing of
right, because right is right, in scorn of consequence."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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