The Evolution of StatesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
History
The Evolution of States
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Europe -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Politics and government; Political science -- History
But as the sphere of conquest widened, another economic phase
supervened. Where newly conquered territory was too distant to tempt any
save the poorest citizens, or to be directly utilised by the rich, it
could still be made _ager publicus_ and rented to its own inhabitants;
and the collection of this and other exactions from subject provinces
gradually grew to be a main source of Roman wealth. For the mere
cattle-looting of the early days there was substituted the systematic
extortion of tribute. "In antiquity conquest meant essentially the power
to impose a tribute upon the conquered";[170] and "until the time of
Augustus the Romans had maintained their armies by seizing and
squandering the accumulated [bullion] capital hoarded by all the nations
of the world."[171] Meanwhile the upper classes were directly or
indirectly supported by the annual tribute which from the time of the
conquest of Greece was drawn solely from the provinces. Paulus Emilius
brought from the sack of Hellas so enormous a treasure in bullion, as
well as in objects of art, that the exaction of the _tributum_ from
Roman citizens, however rich, was felt to have become irrational; and
henceforth, until Augustus re-imposed taxation to pay his troops, Italy
sponged undisguisedly on the rest of the Empire.[172] Cæsar's
expeditions were simply quests for plunder and revenue; and the reason
for his speedy retreat from Britain, for which there have been framed so
many superfluous explanations, is plainly given in the letter of Cicero
in which he tells of the news sent him from Britain by his brother--"no
hope of plunder."[173] But the supreme need was a regular annual
tribute, preferably in bullion, but welcome as corn. On the one hand the
exacted revenue supported the military and the bureaucracy; on the other
hand, the business of collecting taxes and tribute was farmed out in the
hands of companies of _publicani_, mainly formed of the so-called
knights, the _equites_ of the early days; in whose hands rich senators,
in defiance of legal prohibition, placed capital sums for
investment,[174] as they had previously used foreigners, who were free
to take usury where a Roman was not. Of such money-makers Gallia
Provincia was already full in the days of Cicero.[175] Roman
administration was thus a matter of financially exploiting the Empire in
the interest of the Roman moneyed classes;[176] and the ruthless skill
with which the possibilities of the situation were developed is perhaps
even now not fully realised. The Roman financier could secure a tribute
upon tribute by lending to a subject city or State the money demanded of
it by the government, and charge as much interest on the loan as the
borrowers could well pay. We know that the notoriously conscientious
Brutus, of sacred memory, thus lent, or backed a friend who lent, money
to tribute-payers at 48 per cent., or at least demanded 48 per cent. on
his loans, and sought to use the power of the executive to extort the
usury.[177]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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