The Evolution of StatesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
History
The Evolution of States
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Europe -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Politics and government; Political science -- History
All this, we are to remember, went on without any furtherance of total
domestic wealth-production. When corn-growing fell off, irrecoverably
depressed by the unearned import from the richer soils of tributary
provinces, there was a transference, partly economic, partly luxurious,
of agricultural labour to vine-and olive-culture, and a wholesale
turning of arable land to pasture. Some export of wine and olives
followed, though the rich Romans tended to drink the wines of Greece.
But Italy had ceased to be self-supporting. The produce she imported was
far in excess of her power of export;[178] so that in sheer
factitiousness the revenue of Rome is without parallel in history.
Modern England, which has grown rich by burning up its coal in
manufacture or selling it outright, but in the process has acquired a
share in the national and municipal debts of all other countries--England
is stable in comparison. While it lasts, the coal educes manufactures,
which also earn imports and constitute loans. So with the recent
exploitation of German iron; though in that case there has been much
of sheer national waste in the wholesale export of iron at "dumping"
prices in times of trade depression. But the history of Rome
was a progressive paralysis of Italian production; and the one way in
which the administration can be said to have counteracted the
process--as apart from the spontaneous resort to vine-and olive-culture
and to slave manufactures--was by forcing more-or-less unprofitable
mining for gold and silver wherever any could be got, thus giving what
stimulus can be given to demand by the mere placing of fresh bullion on
the market. Roman civilisation was thus irrevocably directed to an
illusory end, with inevitably fatal results. Bullion had come to
standfor public wealth, and wars were made for mines as well as for
tribute, Spain in particular being prized for her mining resources. As a
necessary sequence, therefore, copper money was ousted by silver (B.C.
269), and silver finally, after a long transition period, by gold, about
the time of Severus.[179] The silver had been repeatedly debased when
the treasury was in difficulties;[180] and in the later days of the
Empire it seems to have been base beyond all historic parallel,[181]
though a large revenue was extorted till the end. Between revenue and
tax-farming profits and the yield of the mines, the Roman moneyed class
must indeed have spent a good deal, so long as the tributaries were not
exhausted. But their economic demand was mainly for--(_a_) foods,
spices, wines, cloths, gems, marbles, and wares produced by the more
prosperous provinces; (_b_) expensive forms of food, fish, and fowl,
raised chiefly on the estates run by their own class; (_c_) some wares
of home production; and (_d_) _services_[182] from artists, architects,
master craftsmen, slaves, mimes, parasites, and meretrices, whose
economic demand in turn would as far as possible go in the same
directions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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