The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88) — John Shaqi
The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88)Coverdale, Henry Standish
History
The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88)
Coverdale, Henry Standish
Imaginary wars and battles
In many cities and towns the very officers whose duty it was to
preserve order and repress riots felt themselves dependent upon the
votes of the mob for their positions, and dared not do any active work
against it. Wherever it was possible to call out the local militia,
the citizen soldiery were found true, except in a few of the larger
cities where the socialistic contagion was rankest. But the panic which
had fallen on other citizens had not failed to affect these young men,
many of whom had entered the militia for amusement rather than any more
serious purpose, and who were nicknamed by their opponents “holiday
soldiers.” Nowhere were they called into service till it was too late
for anything but overwhelming force to prevail,--such overwhelming
force as they could not muster. Nowhere were the civil magistrates
willing to apply heroic treatment till more pacific measures had been
tried. The revolutionists, drunk with fanatic frenzy and elated with
the success of their first days of destruction and pillage, rushed on
the militia, whenever a collision became inevitable, with reckless
bravery and desperation. The result was that a score of regiments in
as many different States were actually cut to pieces by raging mobs,
while pallid-lipped mayors or aldermen were reading the riot act or
expostulating with them in the hope of inducing them to disperse. It
would have been as sensible to harangue a jungle full of hungry tigers,
or to read the riot act against an inundation of the lower Mississippi.
In a few of the smaller places, especially those near which detachments
of the regular army were stationed, a sort of precarious order was
restored. In all the larger cities the revolutionists soon held
complete power. City and State governments were overthrown. The
leaders among the rioters established themselves in the offices of
public administration. “Universal liberty” was proclaimed, and the
abrogation of all law. “Property is robbery” had been the cry of the
socialists from the beginning. The residences of such citizens as had
been known for their wealth were taken possession of as the barracks
of first one and then another band of marauders. Such storehouses and
shops as had escaped the pillage of the first days were thrown open,
and every one bidden to help himself from their contents to that which
he needed. The poorer people were generally unmolested. If they had
nothing worth stealing they were advised to remain in their homes,
and told that the revolution was for them. There should be no more
wealth; consequently, argued the socialists, there could be no more
poverty. All men were declared equal in point of rights, of duties, and
of possessions. Nothing belonged to any one, for everything was the
common property of all. But it was observed that the socialist leaders
did not fail to secure possession of all the silver and gold upon which
they could lay their hands,--“to be used in the public defence, if
needed,” they said.
IX.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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