The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88) — John Shaqi
The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88)Coverdale, Henry Standish
History
The Fall of the Great Republic (1886-88)
Coverdale, Henry Standish
Imaginary wars and battles
Saddest of all and most disheartening was the almost universal extent
to which this feeling spread among the people. They came to consider
this dishonorable and cowardly attitude on the part of Government
officers as natural and quite to be expected. The few who remonstrated
or pleaded for a more honest official spirit were regarded with
good-natured contempt as men meaning well and having lofty ideals, but
too visionary for “practical politics;” as “doctrinaires,” “theorists,”
etc. There has been corruption in other lands and under other forms of
government. But the demoralizing fact in the United States was, not
so much that official corruption and cowardice was the rule, as that
the people who had the power to rebuke and reform such a condition of
things condoned it, took it for granted, continued the corrupt and
cowardly time-servers in office and responsibility, or changed them for
other equally unfit but shrewder rogues.
It was not strange, in this condition of public sentiment, that other
trusts than those of Government were abused. The last decade of the
Republic was signalized by an unprecedented number of defalcations,
embezzlements, and similar crimes against private trust. In the
treatment of these crimes, even more clearly than in regard of
public dereliction, the utter demoralization of public opinion was
demonstrated. It is true that the public prints teemed after each
new rascality with virtuous demands for the infliction of condign
punishment. It is true that prosecuting officers commonly made
complaints and issued warrants with exemplary promptness, taking
good care that the newspapers were duly informed of their energetic
action. It is true that occasional embezzlers were actually punished
by sentences of imprisonment fixed at the minimum extreme of lax and
unjustly lenient laws. But these were exceptional cases. Many of the
embezzlers were men of social standing or of political importance; they
had numerous friends; and, no matter though their guilt was clear as
the day, it was assumed by the nonchalant public,--taken for granted,
even by those who had suffered most,--that these friends would use
all their influence to obstruct or prevent merited punishment. In a
majority of cases they were too successful. Officials who should have
stood faithful sentinels over the public weal to compel the enforcement
of justice, generally bowed before the influence which might be exerted
to oust them from their offices if they should prove inconveniently
virtuous. Sometimes the embezzler was allowed to bribe his custodian
and escape. Sometimes he was admitted to bail in such a trifling
sum that a percentage of his stealings paid the cost of a default.
Sometimes he was allowed to bargain with those whom he had robbed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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