Constitutional history -- United States -- Sources; Constitutional law -- United States
The history of Great Britain is the one with which we are in general
the best acquainted, and it gives us many useful lessons. We may profit
by their experience without paying the price which it cost them.
Although it seems obvious to common sense that the people of such an
island should be but one nation, yet we find that they were for ages
divided into three, and that those three were almost constantly
embroiled in quarrels and wars with one another. Notwithstanding their
true interest with respect to the continental nations was really the
same, yet by the arts and policy and practices of those nations, their
mutual jealousies were perpetually kept inflamed, and for a long series
of years they were far more inconvenient and troublesome than they were
useful and assisting to each other.
Should the people of America divide themselves into three or four
nations, would not the same thing happen? Would not similar jealousies
arise, and be in like manner cherished? Instead of their being “joined
in affection” and free from all apprehension of different “interests,”
envy and jealousy would soon extinguish confidence and affection, and
the partial interests of each confederacy, instead of the general
interests of all America, would be the only objects of their policy and
pursuits. Hence, like most other BORDERING nations, they would always
be either involved in disputes and war, or live in the constant
apprehension of them.
The most sanguine advocates for three or four confederacies cannot
reasonably suppose that they would long remain exactly on an equal
footing in point of strength, even if it was possible to form them so
at first; but, admitting that to be practicable, yet what human
contrivance can secure the continuance of such equality? Independent of
those local circumstances which tend to beget and increase power in one
part and to impede its progress in another, we must advert to the
effects of that superior policy and good management which would
probably distinguish the government of one above the rest, and by which
their relative equality in strength and consideration would be
destroyed. For it cannot be presumed that the same degree of sound
policy, prudence, and foresight would uniformly be observed by each of
these confederacies for a long succession of years.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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