The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792Conaway, Horace Mann
History
The first French Republic : $b A study of the origin and the contents of the declaration of the rights of man, of the constitution, and of the adoption of the republican form of government in 1792
Conaway, Horace Mann
Constitutional history -- France; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; Thesis (Ph. D.)
The first strong manifestation of personal displeasure toward the king
reflected in the Assembly, was aroused by his attempt to escape from the
country with the royal family, on June 20 and 21, 1791. Fearing to be
held longer as a hostage by the revolutionary party and to be supplanted
by the invading _émigrés_, the king with his family sought to reach
the eastern frontier and there to be free to act independently of both
factions; but at Varennes he was arrested and brought back to face the
enraged Parisians. It is then that words of displeasure were first heard
in the Assembly. What shall be done with the royal fugitive? was then the
living question. Some contended that he was inviolable and could not be
called to account; others, that his inviolability extended only to public
actions, not to private; while still others maintained that he had, by
his treason, forfeited his inviolability. The agitation which reigned
without found some expression within the Assembly. A committee reported,
July 13, that the flight of the king was not a constitutional offense,
that the principle of inviolability did not permit Louis XVI. to be put
on trial. For three days the discussion over the king’s inviolability
was carried on. Pétion, Putraink, Vadier, Robespierre, Prieur, Grégoire,
Buzot spoke against, and Larochefoucault, Liancourt, Prugnon, Duport,
Goupil de Prefeln, Salles and Barnave for the inviolability. Only
Condorcet attempted to show the fitness of France for a Republic.[102]
The people were astir without; they met on the squares, in the public
places, crowded around the Assembly, and urged the dethronement of the
king or the reference of the question to the people of the eighty-three
departments. Petitions, posters, and ardent declamations were instruments
by which the radicals sought to turn public opinion their way.[103] On
July 16, 1791, a decree of the Assembly defined the acts whereby the
king should be considered as no longer inviolable. Should he, having
taken the oath to the Constitution, violate it: or should he put himself
at the head of an army against the nation, or should he fail to oppose
such an act on the part of his generals, he should be considered to have
abdicated, and might be brought to trial like any ordinary citizen. His
executive functions, suspended June 25, were not to be restored till the
completion of the Constitution.[104]
The Constitution was completed and reviewed, and on September 14, 1791,
the king went to the Constituent Assembly, accepted the Constitution,
and, amid prolonged applause, subscribed to this new instrument that
was to give liberty to France. He was escorted back to the Tuileries
by the entire Assembly. The flight of the monarch seemed forgotten or
forgiven.[105]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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