France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Rousseau’s searching mind perceived indeed no more than the general
truth that men who consent to a representative system are free only
while the representatives are not sitting. But (as is so often the case
with intuitions of genius) though he saw not the whole of the evil, he
had put his finger upon its central spot, and from that main and just
principle which he laid down--that under a merely representative system
men cannot be really free--flow all those evils which we now know to
attach to this method of government. What a rather clumsy epigram has
called “the audacity of elected persons” is part of this truth. The
evident spectacle of modern parliamentary nations driven against their
will into economic conditions which appal them, proceeds again from the
same truth; the conspicuous and hearty contempt into which parliamentary
institutions have everywhere fallen again proceeds from it, and there
proceeds from it that further derivative plague that the representatives
themselves have now everywhere become more servile than the electorate
and that in all parliamentary countries a few intriguers are the
unworthy depositories of power, and by their service of finance permit
the money-dealers to govern us all to-day. Rousseau, I say, the chief
prophet of the Revolution, had warned the French of this danger. It is a
capital example of his talent, for the experiment of democratic
representation had not yet, in his time, been tried. But much more is
that power of his by which he not only stamped and issued the gold of
democracy as it had never till then been minted. No one man makes a
people or their creed, but Rousseau more than any other man made vocal
the creed of a people, and it is advisable or necessary for the reader
of the Revolution to consider at the outset of his reading of what
nature was Rousseau’s abundant influence upon the men who remodelled the
society of Europe between 1789 and 1794.
Why did he dominate those five years, and how was it that he dominated
them increasingly?
An explanation of Rousseau’s power merits a particular digression, for
few who express themselves in the English tongue have cared to
understand it, and in the academies provincial men have been content to
deal with this great writer as though he were in some way inferior to
themselves.
FOOTNOTES:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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