Historians have not yet determined where the French Revolution properly
begins. But even warring schools agree that the object of that great
movement, apart from its accidents and disappointed dreams, was to
destroy the ancient society of Europe, which feudalism had founded
and which time had warped, and to replace it by a more simple social
system, based, as far as possible, on equality of rights. And therefore
time can hardly be misspent in endeavouring to retrace some of the
chief features of the old monarchy of France, at the moment when the
feudal edifice was crumbling, and when the storm was gathering which
was to sweep it away.
It was the pride of the later Bourbon kings to have accomplished
the design, which Louis XI bequeathed to Richelieu, and Richelieu
interpreted for Louis' successors, the substitution of a closely
centralised despotism, for feudal and aristocratic institutions on
the one hand, and for local and national liberties upon the other. By
the middle of the eighteenth century the triumph of this policy was
complete. The relics of the older system, indeed, remained. A multitude
of officials and authorities, with various and conflicting claims,
still covered the country, recalling in their origin sometimes the
customs of the Middle Ages, sometimes the necessities of the Crown,
sometimes the earlier traditions of freedom. Many of the feudal
seigneurs still claimed rights of jurisdiction and police. Cities and
towns still boasted and obeyed their own municipal constitutions. The
peasants of the country side were still summoned to the church-porch by
the village-bell, to take part in the election of parish officials. A
few noblemen still bore the name of governors of provinces. Independent
authorities with ancient titles still pretended to deal with roads
and with finance. The local Parlements, with their hereditary and
independent judges, maintained their dignity as sovereign courts of
justice, preserved the right of debating the edicts of the King,
adopted an attitude of jealous watchfulness towards the Government and
the Church, and exercised considerable administrative powers. In a
few outlying provinces, termed the Pays d'État, and comprising, with
some smaller districts, the ancient fiefs of Languedoc, Burgundy,
Brittany, Artois and Béarn, annual assemblies, representing the nobles,
clergy, and commons of the province, still displayed the theory
of self-government and retained large taxative and administrative
rights. The Church, with its vast resources and strong, corporate
feeling, still, in many matters, asserted its independence of the
State, administered its own affairs, fixed its own taxes, and claimed
to monopolise public education and to guard public morals and their
expression in the Press.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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