It has happened to the present writer, in addressing American students, to lay stress upon the rôle of certain dominant ideas in determining policy (upon the idea, say, of the State as a person, upon the conception of States as necessarily rival entities), and afterwards to get questions in this wise: "Your lecture seems to imply an internationalist policy. What is your plan? What ought we to do? Should we make a naval alliance, with Great Britain, or form a new League of Nations, or denounce Article X, or ...?" I have replied: "The first thing to do is to change your ideas and moral values; or to get to know them better. That is the most practical and immediate platform, because all others depend on it. We all profess great love of peace and justice. What will you pay for it, in terms of national sovereignty? What degree of sovereignty will you surrender as your contribution to a new order? If your real feeling is for domination, then the only effect of writing constitutions of the League of Nations will be to render international organisation more remote than ever, by showing how utterly incompatible it is with prevailing moral values." But such a reply is usually regarded as hopelessly "unpractical." There is no indication of something to be "done"--a platform to be defended or a law to be passed. To change fundamental opinions and redirect desires is not apparently to "do" anything at all. Yet until that invisible thing is done our Covenants and Leagues will be as futile as have been the numberless similar plans of the past, "concerning which," as one seventeenth century critic wrote, "I know no single imperfection save this: That by no possibility would any Prince or people be brought to abide by them." It was, I believe, regarded as a triumph of practical organisation to have obtained nation-wide support for the 'League to Enforce Peace' proposal, "without raising controversial matters at all"--leaving untouched, that is, the underlying ideas of patriotism, of national right and international obligation, the prevailing moral and political values, in fact. The subsequent history of America's relation to the world's effort to create a League of Nations is sufficient commentary as to whether it is "practical" to devise plans and constitutions without reference to a prevailing attitude of mind.