The change may be desirable. But if co-operation must in future be less as between individuals for private advantage, and much more as between _nations_, governments acting in an economic capacity, the political emotions of nationalisation will play a much larger role in the economic processes of Europe. If to Nationalist hostilities as we have known them in the past is to be added the commercial rivalry of nations now converted into traders and capitalists, we are likely to have not a less but a more quarrelsome world, unless the fact of interdependence is much more vividly realised than in the past. CHAPTER III (pp. 81-111) NATIONALITY, ECONOMICS, AND THE ASSERTION OF RIGHT The change noted in the preceding chapter raises a profound question of Right--Have we the right to use our power to deny to others the means of life? By our political power we _can_ create a Europe which, while not assuring advantage to the victor, deprives the vanquished of means of existence. The loss of both ore and coal by the Central Powers might well make it impossible for their future populations to find food. What are they to do? Starve? To disclaim responsibility is to claim that we are entitled to use our power to deny them life. This 'right' to starve foreigners can only be invoked by invoking the conception of nationalism--'Our nation first.' But the policy of placing life itself upon a foundation of preponderant force, instead of mutually advantageous co-operation, compels statesmen perpetually to betray the principle of nationality; not only directly, (as in the case of the annexation of territory, economically necessary, but containing peoples of alien nationality,) but indirectly; for the resistance which our policy (of denying means of subsistence to others) provokes, makes preponderance of power the condition of survival. All else must give way to that need. Might cannot be pledged to Right in these conditions. If our power is pledged to Allies for the purpose of the Balance (which means, in fact, preponderance), it cannot be used against them to enforce respect for (say) nationality. To turn against Allies would break the Balance. To maintain the Balance of Power we are compelled to disregard the moral merits of an Ally's policy (as in the case of the promise to the Czar's government not to demand the independence of Poland). The maintenance of a Balance (_i.e._ preponderance) is incompatible with the maintenance of Right. There is a conflict of obligation. CHAPTER IV (pp. 112-141) MILITARY PREDOMINANCE--AND INSECURITY