The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great IllusionAngell, Norman
History
The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great Illusion
Angell, Norman
Economic history -- 1918-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Influence
The ideas which feed and inflame these passions of rivalry, hostility,
fear, hate, will be modified, if at all, by raising in the mind of the
European some such simple elementary questions as were raised when he
began to modify his feeling about the man of rival religious belief. The
Political Reformation in Europe will come by questioning, for instance,
the whole philosophy of patriotism, the morality or the validity, in
terms of human well-being, of a principle like that of 'my country,
right or wrong';[95] by questioning whether a people really benefit by
enlarging the frontiers of their State; whether 'greatness' in a nation
particularly matters; whether the man of the small State is not in all
the great human values the equal of the man of the great Empire; whether
the real problems of life are greatly affected by the colour of the
flag; whether we have not loyalties to other things as well as to our
State; whether we do not in our demand for national sovereignty ignore
international obligation without which the nations can have neither
security nor freedom; whether we should not refuse to kill or horribly
mutilate a man merely because we differ from him in politics. And with
those, if the emergence from chattel-slavery is to be complemented by
the emergence from wage slavery, must be put similarly fundamental
questions touching problems like that of private property and the
relation of social freedom thereto; we must ask why, if it is rightly
demanded of the citizen that his life shall be forfeit to the safety of
the State, his surplus money, property, shall not be forfeit to its
welfare.
To very many, these questions will seem a kind of blasphemy, and they
will regard those who utter them as the subjects of a loathsome
perversion. In just that way the orthodox of old regarded the heretic
and his blasphemies. And yet the solution of the difficulties of our
time, this problem of learning to live together without mutual homicide
and military slavery, depends upon those blasphemies being uttered.
Because it is only in some such way that the premises of the differences
which divide us, the realities which underlie them, will receive
attention. It is not that the implied answer is necessarily the truth--I
am not concerned now for a moment to urge that it is--but that until the
problem is pushed back in our minds to these great yet simple issues,
the will, temper, general ideas of Europe on this subject will remain
unchanged. And if _they_ remain unchanged so will its conduct and
condition.
The tradition of nationalism and patriotism, around which have gathered
our chief political loyalties and instincts, has become in the actual
conditions of the world an anti-social and disruptive force. Although we
realize perhaps that a society of nations of some kind there must be,
each unit proclaims proudly its anti-social slogan of sacred egoisms and
defiant immoralism; its espousal of country as against right.[96]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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