The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great IllusionAngell, Norman
History
The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great Illusion
Angell, Norman
Economic history -- 1918-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Influence
The danger--and the difficulty--resides largely in the fact that the
instincts of gregariousness and group solidarity, which prompt the
attitude of 'my country right or wrong,' are not in themselves evil:
both gregariousness and pugnacity are indispensable to society.
Nationality is a very precious manifestation of the instincts by which
alone men can become socially conscious and act in some corporate
capacity. The identification of 'self' with society, which patriotism
accomplishes within certain limits, the sacrifice of self for the
community which it inspires--even though only when fighting other
patriotisms--are moral achievements of infinite hope.
The Catharian heresy that Jehovah of the Old Testament is in reality
Satan masquerading as God has this pregnant suggestion; if the Father of
Evil ever does destroy us, we may be sure that he will come, not
proclaiming himself evil, but proclaiming himself good, the very Voice
of God. And that is the danger with patriotism and the instincts that
gather round it. If the instincts of nationalism were simply evil, they
would constitute no real danger. It is the good in them that has made
them the instrument of the immeasurable devastation which they
accomplish.
That Patriotism does indeed transcend all morality, all religious
sanctions as we have heretofore known them, can be put to a very simple
test. Let an Englishman, recalling, if he can, his temper during the
War, ask himself this question: Is there anything, anything whatsoever,
that he would have refused to do, if the refusal had meant the triumph
of Germany and the defeat of England? In his heart he knows that he
would have justified any act if the safety of his country had hung upon
it.
Other patriotisms have like justifications. Yet would defeat,
submission, even to Germany, involve worse acts than those we have felt
compelled to commit during the War and since--in the work of making our
power secure? Did the German ask of the Alsatian or the Pole worse than
we have been compelled to ask of our own soldiers in Russia, India, or
Ireland?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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