The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great IllusionAngell, Norman
History
The Fruits of Victory: A Sequel to The Great Illusion
Angell, Norman
Economic history -- 1918-1945; World War, 1914-1918 -- Influence
The old struggle for power goes on. For the purpose of that struggle we
are prepared to transform our society in any way that it may demand. For
the purposes of the war for power we will accept anything that the
strength of the enemy imposes: we will be socialist, autocratic,
democratic, or communist; we will conscribe the bodies, souls, wealth of
our people; we will proscribe, as we do, the Christian doctrine, and
all mercy and humanity; we will organise falsehood and deceit, and call
it statecraft and strategy; lie for the purpose of inflaming hate, and
rejoice at the effectiveness of our propaganda; we will torture helpless
millions by pestilence and famine--as we have done--and look on unmoved;
our priests, in the name of Christ, will reprove misplaced pity, and
call for the further punishment of the wicked, still greater efforts in
the Fight for Right. We shall not care what transformations take place
in our society or our natures; or what happens to the human spirit.
Obediently, at the behest of the enemy--because, that is, his power
demands that conduct of us--shall we do all those things, or anything,
save only one: we will not negotiate or make a contract with him. _That_
would limit our 'independence'; by which we mean that his submission to
our mastery would be less complete.
We can do acts of infinite cruelty; disregard all accepted morality; but
we cannot allow the enemy to escape the admission of defeat.
If we are to correct the evils of the older tradition, and build up one
which will restore to men the art of living together, we must honestly
face the fact that the older tradition has failed. So long as the old
loyalties and patriotisms, tempting us with power and dominion, calling
to the deep hunger excited by those things, and using the banners of
righteousness and justice, seem to offer security, and a society which,
if not ideal, is at least workable, we certainly shall not pay the price
which all profound change of habit demands. We have seen that as a fact
of his history man only abandons power and force over others when it
fails. At present, almost everywhere, we refuse to face the failure of
the old forms of political power. We don't believe that we need the
co-operation of the foreigner, or we believe that we can coerce him.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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