The Future of the Women's MovementSwanwick, Helena M. (Helena Maria)
General
The Future of the Women's Movement
Swanwick, Helena M. (Helena Maria)
Women -- Social and moral questions; Women's rights
We have only to consider the very different lives women lead, leaving out
of account the debatable differences in nature, to see how impossible
it is for a man to look on life with a woman’s eyes. To begin with, as
long as he insists on being absolute master, there is the unbridgeable
gulf between those who command and those who obey, and the tendency of
this “division of labour” (as the reactionaries humorously call it) to
result in making men conceive it is theirs to think and act and woman’s
to feel. “Men must work and women must weep” is perhaps the most fatuous
expression in all literature of this attitude. Men are rich and women
are poor. Men are employers and women are employed. Wage-earning men
think mainly of wages, women are more concerned with prices. Men enjoy
fighting for its own sake, women only suffer from fighting. Men’s part
in parentage involves only the satisfaction of passion and appetite;
women’s part may involve these, but it also involves much suffering and
long care. It follows from the apportionment of men’s and women’s work
and interests that in the main men will be more concerned for property
and women more concerned for the person, and our laws and administration
amply bear this out. It follows also that men will spend money upon the
things they care most about, and starve the things they care less about.
We see millions lavished on war and destruction, on monuments of stone
and iron, on pomp and circumstance: we see health wasted, human creatures
neglected, education slighted. The titles and the honours go to those who
make money and take life. “Things are in the saddle,” says Emerson, “and
ride mankind.”
Those who defend the male franchise declare confidently that in England
“the family is the unit,” and that the voter casts his vote after a
balanced judgment of the interests of the family as a whole. This is,
of course, entirely without foundation. The vote is _not_ given to the
family when the head of the family happens to be a woman; the vote is
_not_ refused to a man when he has no family; several votes are given to
one man, although legally he cannot have several families. So that, even
if, for the sake of argument, we allow that husband and wife are one, and
that one is the husband, we still have a very large number of votes which
represent men only, and those men bachelors. The evils of this in such a
country as England are patent; in such a country as South Africa they are
greater still. There the bachelor vote is unstable and indifferent to the
permanent interests of the people, for the adventurous bachelor comes for
what he can find, to make money, not a home; to take his pleasure where
he can find it, among the women of an alien race, and leave in his track
the degradation of sexual ethics, the embitterment of racial hatred, the
burden of a fatherless race of half-breeds. All these ills fall upon the
voteless women of South Africa, and are felt in their rebound by the
English women at home.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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