I have tried to show that we are in no way to blame for the
hostility which has grown up between us. So far as it had any solid
cause at all it has arisen from fixed factors, which could no more
be changed by us than the geographical position which has laid us
right across their exit to the oceans of the world. That this
deeply-rooted national sentiment, which for ever regarded us as the
Carthage to which they were destined to play the part of Rome,
would, sooner or later, have brought about war between us, is, in my
opinion, beyond all doubt. But it was planned to come at the moment
which was least favourable for Britain. "Even English attempts at a
_rapprochement_ must not blind us to the real situation," says
Bernhardi. "We may, at most, use them to delay the necessary and
inevitable war until we may fairly imagine we have some prospect of
success." A more shameless sentence was never penned, and one
stands marvelling which is the more grotesque--the cynicism of the
sentiment, or the folly which gave such a warning to the victim. For
be it remembered that Bernhardi's words are to be taken very
seriously, for they are not the ravings of some Pan-German
monomaniac, but the considered views of the foremost military writer
of Germany, one who is in touch with those inner circles whose
opinions are the springs of national policy. "Our last and greatest
reckoning is to be with Great Britain," said the bitter Treitschke.
Sooner or later the shock was to come. Germany sat brooding over the
chessboard of the world waiting for the opening which should assure
a winning game.
It was clear that she should take her enemies separately rather than
together. If Britain were attacked, it was almost certain that
France and Russia would stand by her side. But if, on the contrary,
the quarrel could be made with these two Powers, and especially with
Russia, in the first instance, then it was by no means so certain
that Great Britain would be drawn into the struggle. Public opinion
has to be strongly moved before our country can fight, and public
opinion under a Liberal Government might well be divided upon the
subject of Russia. Therefore, if the quarrel could be so arranged as
to seem to be entirely one between Teuton and Slav there was a good
chance that Britain would remain undecided until the swift German
sword had done its work. Then, with the grim acquiescence of our
deserted Allies, the still bloody sword would be turned upon
ourselves, and that great final reckoning would have come.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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