The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 : $b Fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 2.Mooney, James
Religion
The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890 : $b Fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 2.
Mooney, James
Dakota Indians -- Wars, 1890-1891; Ghost dance
The protective idea in connection with the ghost shirt does not seem
to be aboriginal. The Indian warrior habitually went into battle naked
above the waist. His protecting “medicine” was a feather, a tiny bag
of some sacred powder, the claw of an animal, the head of a bird, or
some other small object which could be readily twisted into his hair or
hidden between the covers of his shield without attracting attention.
Its virtue depended entirely on the ceremony of the consecration and
not on size or texture. The war paint had the same magic power of
protection. To cover the body in battle was not in accordance with
Indian usage, which demanded that the warrior should be as free and
unincumbered in movement as possible. The so-called “war shirt” was
worn chiefly in ceremonial dress parades and only rarely on the warpath.
Dreams are but incoherent combinations of waking ideas, and there is a
hint of recollection even in the wildest visions of sleep. The ghost
shirt may easily have been an inspiration from a trance, while the
trance vision itself was the result of ideas derived from previous
observation or report. The author is strongly inclined to the opinion
that the idea of an invulnerable sacred garment is not original with
the Indians, but, like several other important points pertaining to
the Ghost-dance doctrine, is a practical adaptation by them of ideas
derived from contact with some sectarian body among the whites. It may
have been suggested by the “endowment robe” of the Mormons, a seamless
garment of white muslin adorned with symbolic figures, which is worn
by their initiates as the most sacred badge of their faith, and by
many of the believers is supposed to render the wearer invulnerable.
The Mormons have always manifested a particular interest in the
Indians, whom they regard as the Lamanites of their sacred writings,
and hence have made special efforts for their evangelization, with
the result that a considerable number of the neighboring tribes of
Ute, Paiute, Bannock, and Shoshoni have been received into the Mormon
church and invested with the endowment robe. (See the appendix to
this chapter: “The Mormons and the Indians;” also “Tell It All,” by
Mrs T. B. H. Stenhouse.) The Shoshoni and northern Arapaho occupy the
same reservation in Wyoming, and anything which concerns one tribe
is more or less talked of by the other. As the Sioux, Cheyenne, and
other eastern tribes make frequent visits to the Arapaho, and as these
Arapaho have been the great apostles of the Ghost dance, it is easy
to see how an idea borrowed by the Shoshoni from the Mormons could
find its way through the Arapaho first to the Sioux and Cheyenne and
afterward to more remote tribes. Wovoka himself expressly disclaimed
any responsibility for the ghost shirt, and whites and Indians alike
agreed that it formed no part of the dance costume in Mason valley.
When I first went among the Cheyenne and neighboring tribes of Oklahoma
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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