The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
I am aware that very often at present they are not thus tested.
Dominated as our political thought is by Roman and feudal
imagery--hypnotized by symbols and analogies which the necessary
development of organized society has rendered obsolete--the ideals even
of democracies are still often pure abstractions, divorced from any aim
calculated to advance the moral or material betterment of mankind. The
craze for sheer size of territory, the mere extent of administrative
area, is still deemed a thing deserving immense, incalculable
sacrifices.
Even these ideals, however, firmly set as they are in our language and
tradition, are rapidly yielding to the necessary force of events. A
generation ago it would have been inconceivable that a people or a
monarch should calmly see part of its country secede and establish
itself as a separate political entity without attempting to prevent it
by force of arms. Yet this is what happened, a year or two ago, in the
Scandinavian peninsula. For forty years Germany has added to her own
difficulties and to those of the European situation for the purpose of
including Alsace and Lorraine in its Federation, but even there, obeying
the tendency which is world-wide, an attempt has been made to create a
constitutional and autonomous government. The history of the British
Empire for fifty years has been a process of undoing the work of
conquest. Colonies are now neither colonies nor possessions; they are
independent States. England, which for centuries has made such
sacrifices to retain Ireland, is now making great sacrifices in order to
make her secession workable. To each political arrangement, to each
political ideal, the final test will be applied: does it, or does it
not, make for the widest interests of the mass of the people involved?
It is true that those who emphasize the psychological causes of war
might rejoin with another distinction. They might urge that, though the
questions dividing nations had more or less their origin in an economic
problem, the economic question becomes itself a moral question, a
question of right. It was not the few pence of the tax on tea that the
Colonies fought about, but the question of right which its payment
involved. So with nations. War, ineffective to achieve an economic end,
unprofitable in the sense that the cost involved in the defence of a
given economic point exceeds the monetary value of that point, will
still be fought because a point, trifling in the economic sense, is all
important from the point of view of right; and though there is no real
division of interests between nations, though those interests are in
reality interdependent, minor differences provoking a sudden and
uncontrolled flash of temper suffice to provoke war. War is the outcome
of the "hot fits" of men, "of the devil that is in them."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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