The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
Although militarist literature on this, as on most similar points, shows
flagrant contradictions, even that literature is against the view that
war is the outcome of the sheer sudden temper of nations. Most of the
popular, and all of the scientific, militarist writers take the contrary
view. Mr. Blatchford and his school normally represent a typical
militarist policy, like that of Germany, as actuated by a cold, deep,
Machiavellian, unsentimental, calculated opportunism, as diverse from a
wild, irrational explosion of feeling as possible. Mr. Blatchford
writes:
German policy, based upon the teachings of Clausewitz, may be
expressed in two questions, the questions laid down by
Clausewitz: "Is it expedient to do this? Have we the power to
do it?" If it will benefit the Fatherland to break up the
British Empire, then it is expedient to break up the British
Empire. Clausewitz taught Germany that "war is a part of
policy." He taught that policy is a system of bargaining or
negotiating, backed by arms. Clausewitz does not discuss the
moral aspect of war; he deals with power and expediency. His
pupils take his lead. They do not read poems on the blessings
of peace; they do not spend ink on philanthropic theories.
All the more scientific writers, without an exception, so far as I am
aware, repudiate its "accidental" character. They one and all, from
Grotius to Von der Goltz, take the view that it results from definite
and determinable laws, like all the great processes of human
development.
Von der Goltz ("On the Conduct of War") says:
One must never lose sight of the fact that war is the
consequence and continuation of policy. One will act on the
defensive strategically or rest on the defensive according as
the policy has been offensive or defensive. An offensive and
defensive policy is in its turn indicated by the line of
conduct dictated historically. We see this very clearly in
antiquity by the example furnished us in the Persians and
Romans. In their wars we see the strategical rôle following
the bend of the historical rôle. The people which in its
historical development has arrived at the stage of inertia, or
even retrogression, will not carry on a policy of offence, but
merely one of defence; a nation in that situation will wait to
be attacked, and its strategy will consequently be defensive,
and from a defensive strategy will follow necessarily a
defensive tactic.
Lord Esher has expressed a like thought.[51]
But whether wars result from sheer temper, national "hot fits," or not,
it is quite certain that the lengthy preparation for war, the condition
of armed peace, the burden of armaments which is almost worse than an
occasional war, does not result therefrom.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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