The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National AdvantageAngell, Norman
History
The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage
Angell, Norman
Commercial policy; Disarmament; Imperialism; War; War, Cost of
And one of the most extraordinary features of this whole question is
that the absolute demonstration of the falsity of this idea, the
complete exposure of the illusion which gives it birth, is neither
abstruse nor difficult. This demonstration does not repose upon any
elaborately constructed theorem, but upon the simple exposition of the
political facts of Europe as they exist to-day. These facts, which are
incontrovertible, and which I shall elaborate presently, may be summed
up in a few simple propositions stated thus:
1. An extent of devastation, even approximating to that which Mr.
Harrison foreshadows as the result of the conquest of Great Britain,
could only be inflicted by an invader as a means of punishment costly to
himself, or as the result of an unselfish and expensive desire to
inflict misery for the mere joy of inflicting it. Since trade depends
upon the existence of natural wealth and a population capable of working
it, an invader cannot "utterly destroy it," except by destroying the
population, which is not practicable. If he could destroy the population
he would thereby destroy his own market, actual or potential, which
would be commercially suicidal.[6]
2. If an invasion of Great Britain by Germany did involve, as Mr.
Harrison and those who think with him say it would, the "total collapse
of the Empire, our trade, and the means of feeding forty millions in
these islands ... the disturbance of capital and destruction of
credit," German capital would also be disturbed, because of the
internationalization and delicate interdependence of our credit-built
finance and industry, and German credit would also collapse, and the
only means of restoring it would be for Germany to put an end to the
chaos in England by putting an end to the condition which had produced
it. Moreover, because of this delicate interdependence of our
credit-built finance, the confiscation by an invader of private
property, whether stocks, shares, ships, mines, or anything more
valuable than jewellery or furniture--anything, in short, which is bound
up with the economic life of the people--would so react upon the finance
of the invader's country as to make the damage to the invader resulting
from the confiscation exceed in value the property confiscated. So that
Germany's success in conquest would be a demonstration of the complete
economic futility of conquest.
3. For allied reasons, in our day the exaction of tribute from a
conquered people has become an economic impossibility; the exaction of a
large indemnity so costly directly and indirectly as to be an extremely
disadvantageous financial operation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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