The great Persian War and its preliminaries : $b A study of the evidence, literary and topographicalGrundy, G. B. (George Beardoe)
History
The great Persian War and its preliminaries : $b A study of the evidence, literary and topographical
Grundy, G. B. (George Beardoe)
Greece -- History -- Persian Wars, 500-449 B.C.
The composite character of the sources of the historian’s narrative is
well illustrated by the next episode in the strange story. It is of the
nature of a by-plot in the drama inserted with a view to illustrate
not merely the services of the Athenians in saving the situation, but
also the twofold character of the man who now becomes for the first
time prominent in the story. ◆H. viii 4.◆ In brief the tale is that the
fleet, after returning to Artemisium, discovered that the disaster at
the Sepiad strand had by no means been so great as had been imagined.
So alarmed were the Greeks at this, that “they discussed whether they
should retreat from Artemisium to Middle Greece.” The Eubœans, who thus
saw themselves likely to be suddenly deserted without the possibility
of providing for the safety of their children and households,
implored Eurybiades to allow them time to remove them to a place of
security. Finding they could make no impression upon him, they resorted
to Themistocles, to whom they offered a bribe of thirty talents, if
he would take measures to keep the fleet where it was. Themistocles
undertook to do so, and proceeded to bribe Eurybiades with a gift
of five talents, and Adeimantos, the Corinthian admiral, with three
talents.
The tale excites the strongest suspicion of having been an invention
of after-time, concocted by political opponents of Themistocles.
Herodotus’ whole attitude to Themistocles is suspicious. He is quite
unable to suppress the greatness of the services which he rendered to
the Greek cause; but he is ever ready to discount the value of those
services either by tales discreditable to the personal character of the
man who rendered them, ◆H. vii. 144.◆ or by attributing to him motives
other than those which really prompted his action.
Nor do the details of the story, when taken into consideration, tend
to make it appear more probable. No doubt the Peloponnesian members of
the fleet seized every possible occasion for urging such a withdrawal.
It must have been known to them that the force sent to Thermopylæ
did not represent any real effort on their part. It could hardly be
expected that they should display any large amount of zeal in carrying
out a policy of which they wholly disapproved, and in the execution
of which their own authorities were so manifestly half-hearted. They
knew that, if they left Artemisium, the army must leave Thermopylæ; and
they were no doubt convinced that that was the very best thing which
could possibly happen. But on the practical question of withdrawal,
other considerations must have influenced those in command. Unless the
retreat from Thermopylæ were begun many hours before the withdrawal of
the fleet, the army must be caught in a trap. With a light-armed enemy
in vastly superior numbers in hot pursuit, the retreat could not have
been rapid, and the Persian fleet would have had ample time to land
troops in such a position as would make it possible to cut the line of
it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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