The Great Victory—Its Cost and Its Value: Address delivered at Chestnut Hill, Pennsylvania, July 4th, 1865 — John Shaqi
The Great Victory—Its Cost and Its Value: Address delivered at Chestnut Hill, Pennsylvania, July 4th, 1865Thayer, M. Russell (Martin Russell)
History
The Great Victory—Its Cost and Its Value: Address delivered at Chestnut Hill, Pennsylvania, July 4th, 1865
Thayer, M. Russell (Martin Russell)
Fourth of July orations; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
Another effect of the war is the total destruction of the institution
of slavery. The evil spirit which vexed us with continual alarms,
which poisoned the very fountain of our National life, which denied
and reviled the Declaration of Independence, which degraded us at
home and disgraced us abroad, has been put to death by the war. It
made the war. It perished by the war. Who now would seek to reanimate
its revolting corse as it lies blackened and scathed by those very
flames of war which it kindled for our destruction? It is true, we
aimed not originally at its destruction. Neither did our ancestors
in the beginning aim at independence. Even when in its arrogance
and insolence it laid hold of the pillars of the Government and
attempted to crush us beneath its falling fragments, we were for a long
time too blind to see that its extermination was necessary for our
safety. In the opening stages of the war we treated with tenderness
and consideration the demon which was even then drenching the land
with fraternal blood. But a Higher Power than that of man shapes the
destinies of Nations as well as those of individuals.
In the proclamation of a fast by the Continental Congress in June,
1775, one of the motives for recommending it was stated to be, “to
beseech the Almighty to bless our rightful sovereign King George III.,
and inspire him with wisdom.” This was after the battle of Lexington,
and after the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. But one short
year elapsed before the Congress declared of this “rightful sovereign
King George III.,” in the immortal instrument, the promulgation of
which we celebrate to-day, “A prince whose character is thus marked
by every act which may define a tyrant is unfit to be the ruler of a
free people.” In 1775 Congress, in its address to the people of Great
Britain, said: “You have been told that we are seditious, impatient
of government and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are
not facts but calumnies.” In their petition to the king they declared:
“We ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. Your royal authority over
us and our connexion with Great Britain we shall always carefully and
zealously endeavor to support and maintain.” In less than a year they
affixed their signatures to the paper which pledged their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor to that independence which they
had thus so solemnly disclaimed. The commencement of the war and the
rapid progress of events drove them to conclusions not embraced or
contemplated in their original calculations. Does any one doubt the
sincerity of the Continental Congress in their address to the people of
Great Britain and their petition to the king? In his Inaugural Address,
on the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln said: “I declare that I have
no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the States where it exists;” and his acts and the policy
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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