The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV — John Shaqi
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IVGreville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- George IV, 1820-1830; Great Britain -- History -- William IV, 1830-1837
Peel, and Spankie made very good speeches; Stanley, John Russell,
and Campbell as bad.
[Page Head: STATE OF THE TORY PARTY.]
The same night Althorp made his financial statement, exhibiting a
surplus revenue and reduction of taxation, all very flourishing
and promising; but in announcing his intended reduction of the
House Tax, he said without any disguise that he did not think it
an objectionable tax, but that he took it off on account of the
clamour against it. Here are three exhibitions in one week, and
this is the Minister of our finances and organ of Government in
the House of Commons. No matter how he blunders in word or deed,
he smiles in dogged good-humour at ridicule or abuse; his
intentions are good, his mind is straightforward, and his
conscious rectitude, his personal popularity, enable him to
commit his blunders with impunity; but the authority of
Government suffers in his hands; maxims get into vogue which are
incompatible with good and strong government, and the effects of
his weakness and facility may be felt long after the cessation of
their immediate operation.
February 19th, 1834 {p.060}
Last night Whittle Harvey's motion on the Pension List. He made
admirable speeches; but had a majority of nine against him. This
division is not a bad exemplification of the state of parties and
of the House of Commons. Some of the Tories voted (in the
majority of course), many others would not. I asked one of them
(Henry Hope, a man of no consequence, certainly) if he was not
going to vote. 'No,' he said, 'I shall not vote, the Government
must manage their own business as they can.' He would not vote
against a proposition he must regard with the greatest aversion,
because he would thereby be supporting the Government and prefers
the chance of giving a victory to the Radicals, establishing a
dangerous principle, and doing a great injury to a host of
individuals, the greater part of whom are of his own party or
among his own friends, because he thinks that the result may be
productive of some embarrassment to Ministers. This is one of the
cases in which the conduct of Government has been such as their
bitterest enemies must applaud, when they risk their popularity
to support a very unsightly list of pensions, not granted by
themselves, or to their friends, from a sense of justice; and yet
these high Tories will not support them even in fighting such a
battle as this. On the other hand, the Government reject their
support when they might avail themselves of it against the
Radicals and ultra-Whigs, in such a case as that of Baron Smith
the other night; and so ill blood is constantly increasing
between them, while O'Connell and his tail and the Radical
blackguards sit by and chuckle at the evils these mutual
jealousies and antipathies produce. Richmond told me yesterday
that Stanley was greatly annoyed at Baron Smith's affair; but
finding the mischief done, and feeling the embarrassment that
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