The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
[Footnote 2: [The chief part in Racine's tragedy of 'Andromaque.']]
[Sidenote: LADIES OF THE BEDCHAMBER.]
_May 12th._--The Duke of Bedford communicated with the Duke of
Wellington yesterday morning through Arbuthnot. After some hesitation,
because Melbourne had come to the conclusion that the Ladies had
better all resign, the Duke of Wellington said he had never talked
upon the subject to Peel, and he could say nothing himself; but he
knew that there was an earnest desire to avoid any renewal of the
old dispute, and that the circumstances were now in every respect so
different, from the Queen's being married and the appointments of Tory
Ladies, that he did not think there would be any occasion for it.
Indeed, he thought, and so did Peel, that much of what had occurred
before had arisen from mistake, and that if John Russell had in the
first instance communicated with the Queen, instead of Melbourne, all
would have been cleared up. It was agreed that what had passed should
be communicated by the Duke of Wellington to Peel, and to Peel only,
whenever (if at all) he thought it right and advisable to make the
communication. This puts the affair in a good train. Melbourne means
to advise the Queen to send for Peel himself at once, and without any
intermediate, which is very wise, and will facilitate an amicable
adjustment of delicate points. Lord John has written the Queen a
letter, setting before her the actual state of the case, but giving no
opinion of his own.
_May_ 16_th._--The debate was again adjourned on Friday night, having
lasted a week, very languidly carried on, and up to the present time
with very few good speeches since John Russell's; Sir George Grey, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Labouchere on one side; Gladstone
and Stanley the best on the other. All is speculation, and nobody
has any certainty what will be done. The Government people say, that
everything tends to sanction a dissolution: that the reports from the
country are in favour of their measures, and the Anti-slavery cry a
failure. But the truth is, there is no great feeling in the country
one way or the other, but an extraordinary apathy or indifference.
The Whigs persist that Peel would not venture to thwart their attempt
to get the necessary supplies passed; the Tories maintain that Peel
will never make himself the accomplice of a dissolution under the
pretence of not opposing the supplies. But while the majority of the
Cabinet seem now not indisposed to dissolve if they can, Melbourne's
objections continue the same, and he will have to determine upon his
own course, supposing the majority of his colleagues declare for
dissolving. It is, I think, impossible that he as Prime Minister
should give way upon a point of such vital importance. He must tell
the Queen what his opinion is, and then the question will arise,
whether she will consent to anybody else attempting to carry on the
Government without him, and whether John Russell (the only possible
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