The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852Greville, Charles
History
The Greville Memoirs, Part 2 (of 3), Volume 3 (of 3): A Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria from 1837 to 1852
Greville, Charles
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901
_February 6th._--I called on Graham yesterday, and sat with him for two
hours and a half, discussing _res omnes_. He is not very well satisfied
with the Government, though wishing to keep them in rather than let in
the Protectionists; but he thinks they are inclined to curry favour with
the Protectionists, and they are disgusted (he and Peel) at the soft
sawder that is continually bandied backward and forward between John
Russell and George Bentinck, which nettles Peel very much; and they both
think, considering the avowed sentiments of George Bentinck towards him
and his conduct, that it is very insulting to Peel. He thinks they don't
take an independent line enough, and ominously hinted that if they meant
to try to obtain the support or the forbearance of George Bentinck and
Co. they must abide by the consequences as far as Peel and his friends
were concerned. He thinks the aspect of affairs very threatening both
abroad and at home, Stanley evidently looking to the Government and
ready to try and form one, but saying 'he does not desire it.' After a
sort of estrangement between him and Stanley ever since their Government
broke up, they met in the House of Commons the night of George
Bentinck's Railroad motion, when Stanley very cordially proposed they
should walk home together, and then talking over the state of affairs
Stanley said, 'This can't go on.' Graham: 'Well, perhaps not; and then
it must fall on you.' Stanley: 'I do not desire it.' The event is by no
means impossible, for this Railroad question may turn the Government
out; everything, however, indicates that Stanley, as head of his party,
is endeavouring to work his way into office. He is all for moderation
and conciliation, and wants to allure back the mass of the Conservatives
to his standard. Goulburn they count upon; Aberdeen says they have
secured him; Gladstone they expect to get. But it is endless to
speculate on all the possible or imaginary contingencies by which they
think they can form a Government. Stanley must now be ready to tear his
hair at having quitted the House of Commons, for with all his great
power of speaking (never greater than now) he is lost in the House of
Lords where it is all beating the air. Then in the House of Commons he
must trust to George Bentinck and Disraeli: the former with an
intemperance and indiscretion ever pregnant with dangerous dilemmas; and
the other with a capacity so great that he cannot be cast aside, and a
character so disreputable that he cannot be trusted. The Duke of
Wellington would give Stanley every support, and would bring Dalhousie
with him if Dalhousie was not afraid of embarking in such a concern and
with such associates. What Stanley and his party would like best would
be to get Palmerston to join them and be leader in the House of Commons,
which Palmerston would himself delight in if he dared run the risk. At
this moment, however, everything is in a fearful state of uncertainty,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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