(2) This of course leaves to the Ministry the power of appealing to the country by a dissolution of Parliament; but, if the new Parliament also declares against them, it is plain that they have nothing to do but to resign office. In the case of 1841 Lord Melbourne dissolved Parliament, and, on the meeting of the new Parliament, an amendment to the address was carried by a majority of ninety-one, August 28, 1841. The Ministry therefore resigned. (3) This is well set forth by Sir John Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Angliæ, cap. 36: “Neque Rex ibidem, per se aut ministros suos, tallegia, subsidia, aut quævis onera alia, imponit legiis suis, aut leges eorum mutat, vel novas condit, sine concessione vel assensu totius regni sui in parliamento suo expresso.” (4) How very recent the establishment of these principles is will be seen by anyone who studies the history of the reign of George the Third in the work of Sir T. E. May. Mr. Pitt, as is well known, kept office in defiance of repeated votes of the House of Commons, and at last, by a dissolution at a well-chosen moment, showed that the country was on his side. Such conduct would not be deemed constitutional now, but the wide difference between the constitution of the House of Commons then and now should be borne in mind. (5) Though the command of the Sovereign would be no excuse for any illegal act, and though the advisers of any illegal act are themselves responsible for it, yet there would seem to be no way provided for punishing an illegal act done by the Sovereign in his own person. The Sovereign may therefore be said to be personally irresponsible. (6) See Macaulay, iv. 435. It should not be forgotten that writers like Blackstone and De Lolme say nothing about the Cabinet. Serjeant Stephen supplies the omission, ii. 447. (7) The lowly outward position of the really ruling assembly comes out in some degree at the opening of every session of Parliament. But it is far more marked in the grotesque, and probably antiquated, ceremonies of a Conference of the two Houses. This comes out most curiously of all in the Conference between the two Houses of the Convention in 1688. See Macaulay, ii. 660. (8) See Note 56, Chapter ii. (9) See Macaulay, iv. 437. (10) “Ministers” or “Ministry” were the words always used at the time of the Reform Bill in 1831-1832. It would be curious to trace at what time the present mode of speech came into vogue, either in parliamentary debates or in common speech. Another still later change marks a step toward the recognition of the Cabinet. It has long been held that a Secretary of State must always accompany the Sovereign everywhere. It is now beginning to be held that any member of the Cabinet will do as well as a Secretary of State. But if any member of the Cabinet, why not any Privy Councillor?